divendres, 30 de gener de 2015

Ragnarok. Armageddon. Doomsday. the world being destroyed by an asteroid, the universe dying a slow, cold death, and the converse possibility of its contracting into a reverse Big Bang that crushes all space and ends time were pretty rad. But they also felt watered down and rushed through to make room for Davies's speculation on how humanity's super-intelligent descendants might find miraculous ways to survive the apocalypse, and for some bad philosophizing about how maybe it's really death that gives life purpose (wooow!), all of which seemed really silly, gratuitous attempts to make the universe's end smart a little less and the reader feel that our lives are of more cosmic importance than they are. But maybe I'm just one of those cats who "seized upon the seemingly inevitable degeneration of the universe as predicted by the second law of thermodynamics to support a philosophy of atheism, nihilism, and despair....Since the dawn of time, man has wondered how the world would end. In "The Last Three Minutes, " Paul Davies reveals the latest theories. It might end in a whimper, slowly scattering into the infinite void. Then again, it might be yanked back by its own gravity and end in a catastrophic " Big Crunch." There are other, more frightening possibilities. We may be seconds away from doom at this very moment. Written in clear language that makes the cutting-edge science of quarks, neutrinos, wormholes, and metaverses accessible to the layman, "The Last Three Minutes" treats readers to a wide range of conjectures about the ultimate fate of the universe. Along the way, it takes the occasional divergent path to discuss some slightly less cataclysmic topics such as galactic colonization, what would happen if the Earth were struck by the comet Swift-Tuttle (a distinct possibility), the effects of falling in a black hole, and how to create a " baby universe." Wonderfully morbid to the core, this is one of the most original science books to come along in years.

STEADY STATE RULES ....you don't need to explain how gravitational lensing works to ME. But even when he was telling me something he knew, he was so overly dramatic as to elicit glee. And by the time he was throwing out calculations as to how to build a superbeing that can overcome the burning inferno of the final contraction of the universe, I had already regained my failing libido, and more.

dimecres, 28 de gener de 2015

The enormous debt in which Caesar himself was early involved, countenances an opinion that his anxiety to procure the province of Gaul proceeded chiefly from this cause. But during nine years in which he held that province, he acquired such riches as must have rendered him, without competition, the most opulent person in the state. If nothing more, therefore, than a (58) splendid establishment had been the object of his pursuit, he had attained to the summit of his wishes. But when we find him persevering in a plan of aggrandizement beyond this period of his fortunes, we can ascribe his conduct to no other motive than that of outrageous ambition. He projected the building of a new Forum at Rome, for the ground only of which he was to pay 800,000 pounds; he raised legions in Gaul at his own charges: he promised such entertainments to the people as had never been known at Rome from the foundation of the city. All these circumstances evince some latent design of procuring such a popularity as might give him an uncontrolled influence in the management of public affairs. Pompey, we are told, was wont to say, that Caesar not being able, with all his riches, to fulfil the promises which he had made, wished to throw everything into confusion. There may have been some foundation for this remark: but the opinion of Cicero is more probable, that Caesar's mind was seduced with the temptations of chimerical glory. It is observable that neither Cicero nor Pompey intimates any suspicion that Caesar was apprehensive of being impeached for his conduct, had he returned to Rome in a private station. Yet, that there was reason for such an apprehension, the positive declaration of L. Domitius leaves little room to doubt: especially when we consider the number of enemies that Caesar had in the Senate, and the coolness of his former friend Pompey ever after the death of Julia. The proposed impeachment was founded upon a notorious charge of prosecuting measures destructive of the interests of the commonwealth, and tending ultimately to an object incompatible with public freedom. Indeed, considering the extreme corruption which prevailed amongst the Romans at this time, it is more than probable that Caesar would have been acquitted of the charge, but at such an expense as must have stripped him of all his riches, and placed him again in a situation ready to attempt a disturbance of the public tranquillity. For it is said, that he purchased the friendship of Curio, at the commencement of the civil war, with a bribe little short of half a million sterling. Whatever Caesar's private motive may have been for taking arms against his country, he embarked in an enterprise of a nature the most dangerous: and had Pompey conducted himself in any degree suitable to the reputation which he had formerly acquired, the contest would in all probability have terminated in favour of public freedom. But by dilatory measures in the beginning, by imprudently withdrawing his army from Italy into a distant province, and by not pursuing the advantage he had gained by the vigorous repulse of Caesar's troops in their attack upon his camp, this commander lost every opportunity of extinguishing a war which was to determine the fate, and even the existence, of the Republic. It was accordingly determined on the plains of Pharsalia, where Caesar obtained a victory which was not more decisive than unexpected. He was now no longer amenable either to the tribunal of the Senate or the power of the laws, but triumphed at once over his enemies and the constitution of his country. It is to the honour of Caesar, that when he had obtained the supreme power, he exercised it with a degree of moderation beyond what was generally expected by those who had fought on the side of the Republic. Of his private life either before or after this period, little is transmitted in history. Henceforth, however, he seems to have lived chiefly at Rome, near which he had a small villa, upon an eminence, commanding a beautiful prospect. His time was almost entirely occupied with public affairs, in the management of which, though he employed many agents, he appears to have had none in the character of actual minister. He was in general easy of access: but Cicero, in a letter to a friend, complains of having been treated with the indignity of waiting a considerable time amongst a crowd in an anti-chamber, before he could have an audience. The elevation of Caesar placed him not above discharging reciprocally the social duties in the intercourse of life. He returned the visits of those who waited upon him, and would sup at their houses. At table, and in the use of wine, he was habitually temperate. Upon the whole, he added nothing to his own happiness by all the dangers, the fatigues, and the perpetual anxiety which he had incurred in the pursuit of unlimited power. His health was greatly impaired: his former cheerfulness of temper, though not his magnanimity, appears to have forsaken him; and we behold in his fate a memorable example of illustrious talents rendered, by inordinate ambition, destructive to himself, and irretrievably pernicious to his country. From beholding the ruin of the Roman Republic, after intestine divisions, and the distractions of civil war, it will afford some relief to take a view of the progress of literature, which flourished even during those calamities. The commencement of literature in Rome is to be dated from the reduction of the Grecian States, when the conquerors imported into their own country the valuable productions of the Greek language, and the first essay of Roman genius was in dramatic composition. Livius Andronicus, who flourished about 240 years before the Christian aera, formed the Fescennine verses into a kind of regular drama, upon the model of the Greeks. He was followed some time after by Ennius, who, besides dramatic and other compositions, (60) wrote the annals of the Roman Republic in heroic verse. His style, like that of Andronicus, was rough and unpolished, in conformity to the language of those times; but for grandeur of sentiment and energy of expression, he was admired by the greatest poets in the subsequent ages. Other writers of distinguished reputation in the dramatic department were Naevius, Pacuvius, Plautus, Afranius, Caecilius, Terence, Accius, etc. Accius and Pacuvius are mentioned by Quintilian as writers of extraordinary merit. Of twenty-five comedies written by Plautus, the number transmitted to posterity is nineteen; and of a hundred and eight which Terence is said to have translated from Menander, there now remain only six. Excepting a few inconsiderable fragments, the writings of all the other authors have perished. The early period of Roman literature was distinguished for the introduction of satire by Lucilius, an author celebrated for writing with remarkable ease, but whose compositions, in the opinion of Horace, though Quintilian thinks otherwise, were debased with a mixture of feculency. Whatever may have been their merit, they also have perished, with the works of a number of orators, who adorned the advancing state of letters in the Roman Republic. It is observable, that during this whole period, of near two centuries and a half, there appeared not one historian of eminence sufficient to preserve his name from oblivion. Julius Caesar himself is one of the most eminent writers of the age in which he lived. His commentaries on the Gallic and Civil Wars are written with a purity, precision, and perspicuity, which command approbation. They are elegant without affectation, and beautiful without ornament. Of the two books which he composed on Analogy, and those under the title of Anti-Cato, scarcely any fragment is preserved; but we may be assured of the justness of the observations on language, which were made by an author so much distinguished by the excellence of his own compositions. His poem entitled The Journey, which was probably an entertaining narrative, is likewise totally lost. The most illustrious prose writer of this or any other age is M. Tullius Cicero; and as his life is copiously related in biographical works, it will be sufficient to mention his writings. From his earliest years, he applied himself with unremitting assiduity to the cultivation of literature, and, whilst he was yet a boy, wrote a poem, called Glaucus Pontius, which was extant in Plutarch's time. Amongst his juvenile productions was a translation into Latin verse, of Aratus on the Phaenomena of the Heavens; of which many fragments are still extant. He also published a poem of the heroic kind, in honour of his countryman C. Marius, who was born at Arpinum, the birth-place of Cicero. (61) This production was greatly admired by Atticus; and old Scaevola was so much pleased with it, that in an epigram written on the subject, he declares that it would live as long as the Roman name and learning subsisted. From a little specimen which remains of it, describing a memorable omen given to Marina from an oak at Arpinum, there is reason to believe that his poetical genius was scarcely inferior to his oratorical, had it been cultivated with equal industry. He published another poem called Limon, of which Donatus has preserved four lines in the life of Terence, in praise of the elegance and purity of that poet's style. He composed in the Greek language, and in the style and manner of Isocrates, a Commentary or Memoirs of the Transactions of his Consulship. This he sent to Atticus, with a desire, if he approved it, to publish it in Athens and the cities of Greece. He sent a copy of it likewise to Posidonius of Rhodes, and requested of him to undertake the same subject in a more elegant and masterly manner. But the latter returned for answer, that, instead of being encouraged to write by the perusal of his tract, he was quite deterred from attempting it. Upon the plan of those Memoirs, he afterwards composed a Latin poem in three books, in which he carried down the history to the end of his exile, but did not publish it for several years, from motives of delicacy. The three books were severally inscribed to the three Muses; but of this work there now remain only a few fragments, scattered in different parts of his other writings. He published, about the same time, a collection of the principal speeches which he had made in his consulship, under the title of his Consular Orations. They consisted originally of twelve; but four are entirely lost, and some of the rest are imperfect. He now published also, in Latin verse, a translation of the Prognostics of Aratus, of which work no more than two or three small fragments now remain. A few years after, he put the last hand to his Dialogues upon the Character and Idea of the perfect Orator. This admirable work remains entire; a monument both of the astonishing industry and transcendent abilities of its author. At his Cuman villa, he next began a Treatise on Politics, or on the best State of a City, and the Duties of a Citizen. He calls it a great and a laborious work, yet worthy of his pains, if he could succeed in it. This likewise was written in the form of a dialogue, in which the speakers were Scipio, Laelius, Philus, Manilius, and other great persons in the former times of the Republic. It was comprised in six books, and survived him for several ages, though it is now unfortunately lost. From the fragments which remain, it appears to have been a masterly production, in which all the important questions in politics and morality were discussed with elegance and accuracy. (62) Amidst all the anxiety for the interests of the Republic, which occupied the thoughts of this celebrated personage, he yet found leisure to write several philosophical tracts, which still subsist, to the gratification of the literary world. He composed a treatise on the Nature of the Gods, in three books, containing a comprehensive view of religion, faith, oaths, ceremonies, etc. In elucidating this important subject, he not only delivers the opinions of all the philosophers who had written anything concerning it, but weighs and compares attentively all the arguments with each other; forming upon the whole such a rational and perfect system of natural religion, as never before was presented to the consideration of mankind, and approaching nearly to revelation. He now likewise composed in two books, a discourse on Divination, in which he discusses at large all the arguments that may be advanced for and against the actual existence of such a species of knowledge. Like the preceding works, it is written in the form of dialogue, and in which the chief speaker is Laelius. The same period gave birth to his treatise on Old Age, called Cato Major; and to that on Friendship, written also in dialogue, and in which the chief speaker is Laelius. This book, considered merely as an essay, is one of the most entertaining productions of ancient times; but, beheld as a picture drawn from life, exhibiting the real characters and sentiments of men of the first distinction for virtue and wisdom in the Roman Republic, it becomes doubly interesting to every reader of observation and taste. Cicero now also wrote his discourse on Fate, which was the subject of a conversation with Hirtius, in his villa near Puteoli; and he executed about the same time a translation of Plato's celebrated Dialogue, called Timaeus, on the nature and origin of the universe. He was employing himself also on a history of his own times, or rather of his own conduct; full of free and severe reflections on those who had abused their power to the oppression of the Republic. Dion Cassius says, that he delivered this book sealed up to his son, with strict orders not to read or publish it till after his death; but from this time he never saw his son, and it is probable that he left the work unfinished. Afterwards, however, some copies of it were circulated; from which his commentator, Asconius, has quoted several particulars. During a voyage which he undertook to Sicily, he wrote his treatise on Topics, or the Art of finding Arguments on any Question. This was an abstract from Aristotle's treatise on the same subject; and though he had neither Aristotle nor any other book to assist him, he drew it up from his memory, and finished it as he sailed along the coast of Calabria. The last (63) work composed by Cicero appears to have been his Offices, written for the use of his son, to whom it is addressed. This treatise contains a system of moral conduct, founded upon the noblest principles of human action, and recommended by arguments drawn from the purest sources of philosophy. Such are the literary productions of this extraordinary man, whose comprehensive understanding enabled him to conduct with superior ability the most abstruse disquisitions into moral and metaphysical science. Born in an age posterior to Socrates and Plato, he could not anticipate the principles inculcated by those divine philosophers, but he is justly entitled to the praise, not only of having prosecuted with unerring judgment the steps which they trod before him, but of carrying his researches to greater extent into the most difficult regions of philosophy. This too he had the merit to perform, neither in the station of a private citizen, nor in the leisure of academic retirement, but in the bustle of public life, amidst the almost constant exertions of the bar, the employment of the magistrate, the duty of the senator, and the incessant cares of the statesman; through a period likewise chequered with domestic afflictions and fatal commotions in the Republic. As a philosopher, his mind appears to have been clear, capacious, penetrating, and insatiable of knowledge. As a writer, he was endowed with every talent that could captivate either the judgment or taste. His researches were continually employed on subjects of the greatest utility to mankind, and those often such as extended beyond the narrow bounds of temporal existence. The being of a God, the immortality of the soul, a future state of rewards and punishments, and the eternal distinction of good and evil; these were in general the great objects of his philosophical enquiries, and he has placed them in a more convincing point of view than they ever were before exhibited to the pagan world. The variety and force of the arguments which he advances, the splendour of his diction, and the zeal with which he endeavours to excite the love and admiration of virtue, all conspire to place his character, as a philosophical writer, including likewise his incomparable eloquence, on the summit of human celebrity. The form of dialogue, so much used by Cicero, he doubtless adopted in imitation of Plato, who probably took the hint of it from the colloquial method of instruction practised by Socrates. In the early stage of philosophical enquiry, this mode of composition was well adapted, if not to the discovery, at least to the confirmation of moral truth; especially as the practice was then not uncommon, for speculative men to converse together on important subjects, for mutual information. In treating of any subject respecting which the different sects of philosophers differed (64) from each other in point of sentiment, no kind of composition could be more happily suited than dialogue, as it gave alternately full scope to the arguments of the various disputants. It required, however, that the writer should exert his understanding with equal impartiality and acuteness on the different sides of the question; as otherwise he might betray a cause under the appearance of defending it. In all the dialogues of Cicero, he manages the arguments of the several disputants in a manner not only the most fair and interesting, but also such as leads to the most probable and rational conclusion. After enumerating the various tracts composed and published by Cicero, we have now to mention his Letters, which, though not written for publication, deserve to be ranked among the most interesting remains of Roman literature. The number of such as are addressed to different correspondents is considerable, but those to Atticus alone, his confidential friend, amount to upwards of four hundred; among which are many of great length. They are all written in the genuine spirit of the most approved epistolary composition; uniting familiarity with elevation, and ease with elegance. They display in a beautiful light the author's character in the social relations of life; as a warm friend, a zealous patron, a tender husband, an affectionate brother, an indulgent father, and a kind master. Beholding them in a more extensive view, they exhibit an ardent love of liberty and the constitution of his country: they discover a mind strongly actuated with the principles of virtue and reason; and while they abound in sentiments the most judicious and philosophical, they are occasionally blended with the charms of wit, and agreeable effusions of pleasantry. What is likewise no small addition to their merit, they contain much interesting description of private life, with a variety of information relative to public transactions and characters of that age. It appears from Cicero's correspondence, that there was at that time such a number of illustrious Romans, as never before existed in any one period of the Republic. If ever, therefore, the authority of men the most respectable for virtue, rank, and abilities, could have availed to overawe the first attempts at a violation of public liberty, it must have been at this period; for the dignity of the Roman senate was now in the zenith of its splendour. Cicero has been accused of excessive vanity, and of arrogating to himself an invidious superiority, from his extraordinary talents but whoever peruses his letters to Atticus, must readily acknowledge, that this imputation appears to be destitute of truth. In those excellent productions, though he adduces the strongest arguments for and against any object of consideration, that the (65) most penetrating understanding can suggest, weighs them with each other, and draws from them the most rational conclusions, he yet discovers such a diffidence in his own opinion, that he resigns himself implicitly to the judgment and direction of his friend; a modesty not very compatible with the disposition of the arrogant, who are commonly tenacious of their own opinion, particularly in what relates to any decision of the understanding. It is difficult to say, whether Cicero appears in his letters more great or amiable: but that he was regarded by his contemporaries in both these lights, and that too in the highest degree, is sufficiently evident. We may thence infer, that the great poets in the subsequent age must have done violence to their own liberality and discernment, when, in compliment to Augustus, whose sensibility would have been wounded by the praises of Cicero, and even by the mention of his name, they have so industriously avoided the subject, as not to afford the most distant intimation that this immortal orator and philosopher had ever existed. Livy however, there is reason to think, did some justice to his memory: but it was not until the race of the Caesars had become extinct, that he received the free and unanimous applause of impartial posterity. Such was the admiration which Quintilian entertained of his writings, that he considered the circumstance or being delighted with them, as an indubitable proof of judgment and taste in literature. Ille se profecisse sciat, cui Cicero valde placebit. 105 In this period is likewise to be placed M. Terentius Varro, the celebrated Roman grammarian, and the Nestor of ancient learning. The first mention made of him is, that he was lieutenant to Pompey in his piratical wars, and obtained in that service a naval crown. In the civil wars he joined the side of the Republic, and was taken by Caesar; by whom he was likewise proscribed, but obtained a remission of the sentence. Of all the ancients, he has acquired the greatest fame for his extensive erudition; and we may add, that he displayed the same industry in communicating, as he had done in collecting it. His works originally amounted to no less than five hundred volumes, which have all perished, except a treatise De Lingua Latina, and one De Re Rustica. Of the former of these, which is addressed to Cicero, three books at the beginning are also lost. It appears from the introduction of the fourth book, that they all related to etymology. The first contained such observations as might be made against it; the second, such as might be made in its favour; and the third, observations upon it. He next proceeds to investigate the origin of (66) Latin words. In the fourth book, he traces those which relate to place; in the fifth, those connected with the idea of time; and in the sixth, the origin of both these classes, as they appear in the writings of the poets. The seventh book is employed on declension; in which the author enters upon a minute and extensive enquiry, comprehending a variety of acute and profound observations on the formation of Latin nouns, and their respective natural declinations from the nominative case. In the eighth, he examines the nature and limits of usage and analogy in language; and in the ninth and last book on the subject, takes a general view of what is the reverse of analogy, viz. anomaly. The precision and perspicuity which Varro displays in this work merit the highest encomiums, and justify the character given him in his own time, of being the most learned of the Latin grammarians. To the loss of the first three books, are to be added several chasms in the others; but fortunately they happen in such places as not to affect the coherency of the author's doctrine, though they interrupt the illustration of it. It is observable that this great grammarian makes use of quom for quum, heis for his, and generally queis for quibus. This practice having become rather obsolete at the time in which he wrote, we must impute his continuance of it to his opinion of its propriety, upon its established principles of grammar, and not to any prejudice of education, or an affectation of singularity. As Varro makes no mention of Caesar's treatise on Analogy, and had commenced author long before him, it is probable that Caesar's production was of a much later date; and thence we may infer, that those two writers differed from each other, at least with respect to some particulars on that subject. This author's treatise De Re Rustica was undertaken at the desire of a friend, who, having purchased some lands, requested of Varro the favour of his instructions relative to farming, and the economy of a country life, in its various departments. Though Varro was at this time in his eightieth year, he writes with all the vivacity, though without the levity, of youth, and sets out with invoking, not the Muses, like Homer and Ennius, as he observes, but the twelve deities supposed to be chiefly concerned in the operations of agriculture. It appears from the account which he gives, that upwards of fifty Greek authors had treated of this subject in prose, besides Hesiod and Menecrates the Ephesian, who both wrote in verse; exclusive likewise of many Roman writers, and of Mago the Carthaginian, who wrote in the Punic language. Varro's work is divided into three books, the first of which treats of agriculture; the second, of rearing of cattle; and the third, of feeding animals for the use of the table. (67) In the last of these, we meet with a remarkable instance of the prevalence of habit and fashion over human sentiment, where the author delivers instructions relative to the best method of fattening rats. We find from Quintilian, that Varro likewise composed satires in various kinds of verse. It is impossible to behold the numerous fragments of this venerable author without feeling the strongest regret for the loss of that vast collection of information which he had compiled, and of judicious observations which he had made on a variety of subjects, during a life of eighty-eight years, almost entirely devoted to literature. The remark of St. Augustine is well founded, That it is astonishing how Varro, who read such a number of books, could find time to compose so many volumes; and how he who composed so many volumes, could be at leisure to peruse such a variety of books, and to gain so much literary information. Catullus is said to have been born at Verona, of respectable parents; his father and himself being in the habit of intimacy with Julius Caesar. He was brought to Rome by Mallius, to whom several of his epigrams are addressed. The gentleness of his manners, and his application to study, we are told, recommended him to general esteem; and he had the good fortune to obtain the patronage of Cicero. When he came to be known as a poet, all these circumstances would naturally contribute to increase his reputation for ingenuity; and accordingly we find his genius applauded by several of his contemporaries. It appears that his works are not transmitted entire to posterity; but there remain sufficient specimens by which we may be enabled to appreciate his poetical talents. Quintilian, and Diomed the grammarian, have ranked Catullus amongst the iambic writers, while others have placed him amongst the lyric. He has properly a claim to each of these stations; but his versification being chiefly iambic, the former of the arrangements seems to be the most suitable. The principal merit of Catullus's Iambics consists in a simplicity of thought and expression. The thoughts, however, are often frivolous, and, what is yet more reprehensible, the author gives way to gross obscenity: in vindication of which, he produces the following couplet, declaring that a good poet ought to be chaste in his own person, but that his verses need not be so. Nam castum esse decet pium poetam Ipsum: versiculos nihil necesse est. This sentiment has been frequently cited by those who were inclined to follow the example of Catullus; but if such a practice be in any case admissible, it is only where the poet personates (68) a profligate character; and the instances in which it is adopted by Catullus are not of that description. It had perhaps been a better apology, to have pleaded the manners of the times; for even Horace, who wrote only a few years after, has suffered his compositions to be occasionally debased by the same kind of blemish. Much has been said of this poet's invective against Caesar, which produced no other effect than an invitation to sup at the dictator's house. It was indeed scarcely entitled to the honour of the smallest resentment. If any could be shewn, it must have been for the freedom used by the author, and not for any novelty in his lampoon. There are two poems on this subject, viz. the twenty-ninth and fifty-seventh, in each of which Caesar is joined with Mamurra, a Roman knight, who had acquired great riches in the Gallic war. For the honour of Catullus's gratitude, we should suppose that the latter is the one to which historians allude: but, as poetical compositions, they are equally unworthy of regard. The fifty seventh is nothing more than a broad repetition of the raillery, whether well or ill founded, with which Caesar was attacked on various occasions, and even in the senate, after his return from Bithynia. Caesar had been taunted with this subject for upwards of thirty years; and after so long a familiarity with reproach, his sensibility to the scandalous imputation must now have been much diminished, if not entirely extinguished. The other poem is partly in the same strain, but extended to greater length, by a mixture of common jocular ribaldry of the Roman soldiers, expressed nearly in the same terms which Caesar's legions, though strongly attached to his person, scrupled not to sport publicly in the streets of Rome, against their general, during the celebration of his triumph. In a word, it deserves to be regarded as an effusion of Saturnalian licentiousness, rather than of poetry. With respect to the Iambics of Catullus, we may observe in general, that the sarcasm is indebted for its force, not so much to ingenuity of sentiment, as to the indelicate nature of the subject, or coarseness of expression. The descriptive poems of Catullus are superior to the others, and discover a lively imagination. Amongst the best of his productions, is a translation of the celebrated ode of Sappho: Ille mi par esse Deo videtur, me, etc. This ode is executed both with spirit and elegance; it is, however, imperfect; and the last stanza seems to be spurious. Catullus's epigrams are entitled to little praise, with regard either to sentiment or point; and on the whole, his merit, as a poet, appears to have been magnified beyond its real extent. He is said to have died about the thirtieth year of his age. (69) Lucretius is the author of a celebrated poem, in six books, De Rerum Natura; a subject which had been treated many ages before by Empedocles, a philosopher and poet of Agrigentum. Lucretius was a zealous partizan of Democritus, and the sect of Epicurus, whose principles concerning the eternity of matter, the materiality of the soul, and the non-existence of a future state of rewards and punishments, he affects to maintain with a certainty equal to that of mathematical demonstration. Strongly prepossessed with the hypothetical doctrines of his master, and ignorant of the physical system of the universe, he endeavours to deduce from the phenomena of the material world conclusions not only unsupported by legitimate theory, but repugnant to the principles of the highest authority in metaphysical disquisition. But while we condemn his speculative notions as degrading to human nature, and subversive of the most important interests of mankind, we must admit that he has prosecuted his visionary hypothesis with uncommon ingenuity. Abstracting from it the rhapsodical nature of this production, and its obscurity in some parts, it has great merit as a poem. The style is elevated, and the versification in general harmonious. By the mixture of obsolete words, it possesses an air of solemnity well adapted to abstruse researches; at the same time that by the frequent resolution of diphthongs, it instils into the Latin the sonorous and melodious powers of the Greek language. While Lucretius was engaged in this work, he fell into a state of insanity, occasioned, as is supposed, by a philtre, or love-potion, given him by his wife Lucilia. The complaint, however, having lucid intervals, he employed them in the execution of his plan, and, soon after it was finished, laid violent hands upon himself, in the forty-third year of his age. This fatal termination of his life, which perhaps proceeded from insanity, was ascribed by his friends and admirers to his concern for the banishment of one Memmius, with whom he was intimately connected, and for the distracted state of the republic. It was, however, a catastrophe which the principles of Epicurus, equally erroneous and irreconcilable to resignation and fortitude, authorized in particular circumstances. Even Atticus, the celebrated correspondent of Cicero, a few years after this period, had recourse to the same desperate expedient, by refusing all sustenance, while he laboured under a lingering disease. It is said that Cicero revised the poem of Lucretius after the death of the author, and this circumstance is urged by the abettors of atheism, as a proof that the principles contained in the work had the sanction of his authority. But no inference in favour of Lucretius's doctrine can justly be drawn from this circumstance. (70) Cicero, though already sufficiently acquainted with the principles of the Epicurean sect, might not be averse to the perusal of a production, which collected and enforced them in a nervous strain of poetry; especially as the work was likely to prove interesting to his friend Atticus, and would perhaps afford subject for some letters or conversation between them. It can have been only with reference to composition that the poem was submitted to Cicero's revisal: for had he been required to exercise his judgment upon its principles, he must undoubtedly have so much mutilated the work, as to destroy the coherency of the system. He might be gratified with the shew of elaborate research, and confident declamation, which it exhibited, but he must have utterly disapproved of the conclusions which the author endeavoured to establish. According to the best information, Lucretius died in the year from the building of Rome 701, when Pompey was the third time consul. Cicero lived several years beyond this period, and in the two last years of his life, he composed those valuable works which contain sentiments diametrically repugnant to the visionary system of Epicurus. The argument, therefore, drawn from Cicero's revisal, so far from confirming the principle of Lucretius, affords the strongest tacit declaration against their validity; because a period sufficient for mature consideration had elapsed, before Cicero published his own admirable system of philosophy. The poem of Lucretius, nevertheless, has been regarded as the bulwark of atheism—of atheism, which, while it impiously arrogates the support of reason, both reason and nature disclaim. Many more writers flourished in this period, but their works have totally perished. Sallust was now engaged in historical productions; but as they were not yet completed, they will be noticed in the next division of the review.

Soon after this civil discord was composed, he preferred a charge of extortion against Cornelius Dolabella, a man of consular dignity, who had obtained the honour of a triumph. On the acquittal of the accused, he resolved to retire to Rhodes 13, with the view not only of avoiding the public odium (4) which he had incurred, but of prosecuting his studies with leisure and tranquillity, under Apollonius, the son of Molon, at that time the most celebrated master of rhetoric. While on his voyage thither, in the winter season, he was taken by pirates near the island of Pharmacusa 14, and detained by them, burning with indignation, for nearly forty days; his only attendants being a physician and two chamberlains. For he had instantly dispatched his other servants and the friends who accompanied him, to raise money for his ransom 15. Fifty talents having been paid down, he was landed on the coast, when, having collected some ships16, he lost no time in putting to sea in pursuit of the pirates, and having captured them, inflicted upon them the punishment with which he had often threatened them in jest. At that time Mithridates was ravaging the neighbouring districts, and on Caesar's arrival at Rhodes, that he might not appear to lie idle while danger threatened the allies of Rome, he passed over into Asia, and having collected some auxiliary forces, and driven the king's governor out of the province, retained in their allegiance the cities which were wavering, and ready to revolt.
V. Having been elected military tribune, the first honour he received from the suffrages of the people after his return to Rome, he zealously assisted those who took measures for restoring the tribunitian authority, which had been greatly diminished during the usurpation of Sylla. He likewise, by an act, which Plotius at his suggestion propounded to the people, obtained the recall of Lucius Cinna, his wife's brother, and others with him, who having been the adherents of Lepidus in the civil disturbances, had after that consul's death fled to Sertorius 17; which law he supported by a speech.
VI. During his quaestorship he pronounced funeral orations from the rostra, according to custom, in praise of his aunt (5) Julia, and his wife Cornelia. In the panegyric on his aunt, he gives the following account of her own and his father's genealogy, on both sides: "My aunt Julia derived her descent, by the mother, from a race of kings, and by her father, from the Immortal Gods. For the Marcii Reges 18, her mother's family, deduce their pedigree from Ancus Marcius, and the Julii, her father's, from Venus; of which stock we are a branch. We therefore unite in our descent the sacred majesty of kings, the chiefest among men, and the divine majesty of Gods, to whom kings themselves are subject." To supply the place of Cornelia, he married Pompeia, the daughter of Quintus Pompeius, and grand-daughter of Lucius Sylla; but he afterwards divorced her, upon suspicion of her having been debauched by Publius Clodius. For so current was the report, that Clodius had found access to her disguised as a woman, during the celebration of a religious solemnity 19, that the senate instituted an enquiry respecting the profanation of the sacred rites.
VII. Farther-Spain 20 fell to his lot as quaestor; when there, as he was going the circuit of the province, by commission from the praetor, for the administration of justice, and had reached Gades, seeing a statue of Alexander the Great in the temple of Hercules, he sighed deeply, as if weary of his sluggish life, for having performed no memorable actions at an age 21 at which Alexander had already conquered the world. He, therefore, immediately sued for his discharge, with the view of embracing the first opportunity, which might present itself in The City, of entering upon a more exalted career. In the stillness of the night following, he dreamt that he lay with his own mother; but his confusion was relieved, and his hopes were raised to the highest pitch, by the interpreters of his dream, who expounded it as an omen that he should possess universal empire; for (6) that the mother who in his sleep he had found submissive to his embraces, was no other than the earth, the common parent of all mankind.
VIII. Quitting therefore the province before the expiration of the usual term, he betook himself to the Latin colonies, which were then eagerly agitating the design of obtaining the freedom of Rome; and he would have stirred them up to some bold attempt, had not the consuls, to prevent any commotion, detained for some time the legions which had been raised for service in Cilicia. But this did not deter him from making, soon afterwards, a still greater effort within the precincts of the city itself.
IX. For, only a few days before he entered upon the aedileship, he incurred a suspicion of having engaged in a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus, a man of consular rank; to whom were joined Publius Sylla and Lucius Autronius, who, after they had been chosen consuls, were convicted of bribery. The plan of the conspirators was to fall upon the senate at the opening of the new year, and murder as many of them as should be thought necessary; upon which, Crassus was to assume the office of dictator, and appoint Caesar his master of the horse 22. When the commonwealth had been thus ordered according to their pleasure, the consulship was to have been restored to Sylla and Autronius. Mention is made of this plot by Tanusius Geminus 23 in his history, by Marcus Bibulus in his edicts 24, and by Curio, the father, in his orations 25. Cicero likewise seems to hint at this in a letter to Axius, where he says, that Caesar (7) had in his consulship secured to himself that arbitrary power 26 to which he had aspired when he was edile. Tanusius adds, that Crassus, from remorse or fear, did not appear upon the day appointed for the massacre of the senate; for which reason Caesar omitted to give the signal, which, according to the plan concerted between them, he was to have made. The agreement, Curio says, was that he should shake off the toga from his shoulder. We have the authority of the same Curio, and of M. Actorius Naso, for his having been likewise concerned in another conspiracy with young Cneius Piso; to whom, upon a suspicion of some mischief being meditated in the city, the province of Spain was decreed out of the regular course 27. It is said to have been agreed between them, that Piso should head a revolt in the provinces, whilst the other should attempt to stir up an insurrection at Rome, using as their instruments the Lambrani, and the tribes beyond the Po. But the execution of this design was frustrated in both quarters by the death of Piso.
X. In his aedileship, he not only embellished the Comitium, and the rest of the Forum 28, with the adjoining halls 29, but adorned the Capitol also, with temporary piazzas, constructed for the purpose of displaying some part of the superabundant collections (8) he had made for the amusement of the people 30. He entertained them with the hunting of wild beasts, and with games, both alone and in conjunction with his colleague. On this account, he obtained the whole credit of the expense to which they had jointly contributed; insomuch that his colleague, Marcus Bibulus, could not forbear remarking, that he was served in the manner of Pollux. For as the temple 31 erected in the Forum to the two brothers, went by the name of Castor alone, so his and Caesar's joint munificence was imputed to the latter only. To the other public spectacles exhibited to the people, Caesar added a fight of gladiators, but with fewer pairs of combatants than he had intended. For he had collected from all parts so great a company of them, that his enemies became alarmed; and a decree was made, restricting the number of gladiators which any one was allowed to retain at Rome.
XI. Having thus conciliated popular favour, he endeavoured, through his interest with some of the tribunes, to get Egypt assigned to him as a province, by an act of the people. The pretext alleged for the creation of this extraordinary government, was, that the Alexandrians had violently expelled their king 32, whom the senate had complimented with the title of an ally and friend of the Roman people. This was generally resented; but, notwithstanding, there was so much opposition from the faction of the nobles, that he could not carry his point. In order, therefore, to diminish their influence by every means in his power, he restored the trophies erected in honour of Caius Marius, on account of his victories over Jugurtha, the Cimbri, and the Teutoni, which had been demolished by Sylla; and when sitting in judgment upon murderers, he treated those as assassins, who, in the late proscription, had received money from the treasury, for bringing in the heads of Roman citizens, although they were expressly excepted in the Cornelian laws.
XII. He likewise suborned some one to prefer an impeachment (9) for treason against Caius Rabirius, by whose especial assistance the senate had, a few years before, put down Lucius Saturninus, the seditious tribune; and being drawn by lot a judge on the trial, he condemned him with so much animosity, that upon his appealing to the people, no circumstance availed him so much as the extraordinary bitterness of his judge.
XIII. Having renounced all hope of obtaining Egypt for his province, he stood candidate for the office of chief pontiff, to secure which, he had recourse to the most profuse bribery. Calculating, on this occasion, the enormous amount of the debts he had contracted, he is reported to have said to his mother, when she kissed him at his going out in the morning to the assembly of the people, "I will never return home unless I am elected pontiff." In effect, he left so far behind him two most powerful competitors, who were much his superiors both in age and rank, that he had more votes in their own tribes, than they both had in all the tribes together.
XIV. After he was chosen praetor, the conspiracy of Catiline was discovered; and while every other member of the senate voted for inflicting capital punishment on the accomplices in that crime 33, he alone proposed that the delinquents should be distributed for safe custody among the towns of Italy, their property being confiscated. He even struck such terror into those who were advocates for greater severity, by representing to them what universal odium would be attached to their memories by the Roman people, that Decius Silanus, consul elect, did not hesitate to qualify his proposal, it not being very honourable to change it, by a lenient interpretation; as if it had been understood in a harsher sense than he intended, and Caesar would certainly have carried his point, having brought over to his side a great number of the senators, among whom was Cicero, the consul's brother, had not a speech by Marcus Cato infused new vigour into the resolutions of the senate. He persisted, however, in obstructing the measure, until a body of the Roman knights, who stood under arms as a guard, threatened him with instant death, if he continued his determined opposition. They even thrust at him with their drawn swords, so that those who sat next him moved away; (10) and a few friends, with no small difficulty, protected him, by throwing their arms round him, and covering him with their togas. At last, deterred by this violence, he not only gave way, but absented himself from the senate-house during the remainder of that year.
XV. Upon the first day of his praetorship, he summoned Quintus Catulus to render an account to the people respecting the repairs of the Capitol 34; proposing a decree for transferring the office of curator to another person 35. But being unable to withstand the strong opposition made by the aristocratical party, whom he perceived quitting, in great numbers, their attendance upon the new consuls 36, and fully resolved to resist his proposal, he dropped the design.
XVI. He afterwards approved himself a most resolute supporter of Caecilius Metullus, tribune of the people, who, in spite of all opposition from his colleagues, had proposed some laws of a violent tendency 37, until they were both dismissed from office by a vote of the senate. He ventured, notwithstanding, to retain his post and continue in the administration of justice; but finding that preparations were made to obstruct him by force of arms, he dismissed the lictors, threw off his gown, and betook himself privately to his own house, with the resolution of being quiet, in a time so unfavourable to his interests. He likewise pacified the mob, which two days afterwards flocked about him, and in a riotous manner made a voluntary tender of their assistance in the vindication of his (11) honour. This happening contrary to expectation, the senate, who met in haste, on account of the tumult, gave him their thanks by some of the leading members of the house, and sending for him, after high commendation of his conduct, cancelled their former vote, and restored him to his office.
XVII. But he soon got into fresh trouble, being named amongst the accomplices of Catiline, both before Novius Niger the quaestor, by Lucius Vettius the informer, and in the senate by Quintus Curius; to whom a reward had been voted, for having first discovered the designs of the conspirators. Curius affirmed that he had received his information from Catiline. Vettius even engaged to produce in evidence against him his own hand-writing, given to Catiline. Caesar, feeling that this treatment was not to be borne, appealed to Cicero himself, whether he had not voluntarily made a discovery to him of some particulars of the conspiracy; and so baulked Curius of his expected reward. He, therefore, obliged Vettius to give pledges for his behaviour, seized his goods, and after heavily fining him, and seeing him almost torn in pieces before the rostra, threw him into prison; to which he likewise sent Novius the quaestor, for having presumed to take an information against a magistrate of superior authority.
XVIII. At the expiration of his praetorship he obtained by lot the Farther-Spain 38, and pacified his creditors, who were for detaining him, by finding sureties for his debts 39. Contrary, however, to both law and custom, he took his departure before the usual equipage and outfit were prepared. It is uncertain whether this precipitancy arose from the apprehension of an impeachment, with which he was threatened on the expiration of his former office, or from his anxiety to lose no time in relieving the allies, who implored him to come to their aid. He had no (12) sooner established tranquillity in the province, than, without waiting for the arrival of his successor, he returned to Rome, with equal haste, to sue for a triumph 40, and the consulship. The day of election, however, being already fixed by proclamation, he could not legally be admitted a candidate, unless he entered the city as a private person 41. On this emergency he solicited a suspension of the laws in his favour; but such an indulgence being strongly opposed, he found himself under the necessity of abandoning all thoughts of a triumph, lest he should be disappointed of the consulship.
XIX. Of the two other competitors for the consulship, Lucius Luceius and Marcus Bibulus, he joined with the former, upon condition that Luceius, being a man of less interest but greater affluence, should promise money to the electors, in their joint names. Upon which the party of the nobles, dreading how far he might carry matters in that high office, with a colleague disposed to concur in and second his measures, advised Bibulus to promise the voters as much as the other; and most of them contributed towards the expense, Cato himself admitting that bribery; under such circumstances, was for the public good 42. He was accordingly elected consul jointly with Bibulus. Actuated still by the same motives, the prevailing party took care to assign provinces of small importance to the new consuls, such as the care of the woods and roads. Caesar, incensed at this indignity, endeavoured by the most assiduous and flattering attentions to gain to his side Cneius Pompey, at that time dissatisfied with the senate for the backwardness they shewed to confirm his acts, after his victories over Mithridates. He likewise brought about a reconciliation between Pompey and Marcus Crassus, who had been at variance from (13) the time of their joint consulship, in which office they were continually clashing; and he entered into an agreement with both, that nothing should be transacted in the government, which was displeasing to any of the three.
XX. Having entered upon his office , he introduced a new regulation, that the daily acts both of the senate and people should be committed to writing, and published 44. He also revived an old custom, that an officer 45 should precede him, and his lictors follow him, on the alternate months when the fasces were not carried before him. Upon preferring a bill to the people for the division of some public lands, he was opposed by his colleague, whom he violently drove out of the forum. Next day the insulted consul made a complaint in the senate of this treatment; but such was the consternation, that no one having the courage to bring the matter forward or move a censure, which had been often done under outrages of less importance, he was so much dispirited, that until the expiration of his office he never stirred from home, and did nothing but issue edicts to obstruct his colleague's proceedings. From that time, therefore, Caesar had the sole management of public affairs; insomuch that some wags, when they signed any instrument as witnesses, did not add "in the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus," but, "of Julius and Caesar;" putting the same person down twice, under his name and surname. The following verses likewise were currently repeated on this occasion:
    Non Bibulo quidquam nuper, sed Caesare factum est;
      Nam Bibulo fieri consule nil memini.

          Nothing was done in Bibulus's year:
          No; Caesar only then was consul here

The business of the courts had prodigiously accumulated, partly from old law-suits which, on account of the interruption that had been given to the course of justice, still remained undecided, and partly from the accession of new suits arising out of the disorder of the times. He, therefore, chose commissioners by lot to provide for the restitution of what had been seized by violence during the war, and others with extraordinary jurisdiction to decide causes belonging to the centumviri, and reduce them to as small a number as possible, for the dispatch of which, otherwise, the lives of the litigants could scarcely allow sufficient time. XI. Lust and luxury, from the licence which had long prevailed, had also grown to an enormous height. He, therefore, obtained a decree of the senate, that a woman who formed an union with the slave of another person, should be considered (454) a bondwoman herself; and that usurers should not be allowed to take proceedings at law for the recovery of money lent to young men whilst they lived in their father's family, not even after their fathers were dead. XII. In other affairs, from the beginning to the end of his government, he conducted himself with great moderation and clemency. He was so far from dissembling the obscurity of his extraction, that he frequently made mention of it himself. When some affected to trace his pedigree to the founders of Reate, and a companion of Hercules 753, whose monument is still to be seen on the Salarian road, he laughed at them for it. And he was so little fond of external and adventitious ornaments, that, on the day of his triumph 754, being quite tired of the length and tediousness of the procession, he could not forbear saying, "he was rightly served, for having in his old age been so silly as to desire a triumph; as if it was either due to his ancestors, or had ever been expected by himself." Nor would he for a long time accept of the tribunitian authority, or the title of Father of his Country. And in regard to the custom of searching those who came to salute him, he dropped it even in the time of the civil war. XIII. He bore with great mildness the freedom used by his friends, the satirical allusions of advocates, and the petulance of philosophers. Licinius Mucianus, who had been guilty of notorious acts of lewdness, but, presuming upon his great services, treated him very rudely, he reproved only in private; and when complaining of his conduct to a common friend of theirs, he concluded with these words, "However, I am a man." Salvius Liberalis, in pleading the cause of a rich man under prosecution, presuming to say, "What is it to Caesar, if Hipparchus possesses a hundred millions of sesterces?" he commended him for it. Demetrius, the Cynic philosopher 755, (455) who had been sentenced to banishment, meeting him on the road, and refusing to rise up or salute him, nay, snarling at him in scurrilous language, he only called him a cur. XIV. He was little disposed to keep up the memory of affronts or quarrels, nor did he harbour any resentment on account of them. He made a very splendid marriage for the daughter of his enemy Vitellius, and gave her, besides, a suitable fortune and equipage. Being in a great consternation after he was forbidden the court in the time of Nero, and asking those about him, what he should do? or, whither he should go? one of those whose office it was to introduce people to the emperor, thrusting him out, bid him go to Morbonia 756. But when this same person came afterwards to beg his pardon, he only vented his resentment in nearly the same words. He was so far from being influenced by suspicion or fear to seek the destruction of any one, that, when his friends advised him to beware of Metius Pomposianus, because it was commonly believed, on his nativity being cast, that he was destined by fate to the empire, he made him consul, promising for him, that he would not forget the benefit conferred. XV. It will scarcely be found, that so much as one innocent person suffered in his reign, unless in his absence, and without his knowledge, or, at least, contrary to his inclination, and when he was imposed upon. Although Helvidius Priscus 757 was the only man who presumed to salute him on his return from Syria by his private name of Vespasian, and, when he came to be praetor, omitted any mark of honour to him, or even any mention of him in his edicts, yet he was not angry, until Helvidius proceeded to inveigh against him with the most scurrilous language. (456) Though he did indeed banish him, and afterwards ordered him to be put to death, yet he would gladly have saved him notwithstanding, and accordingly dispatched messengers to fetch back the executioners; and he would have saved him, had he not been deceived by a false account brought, that he had already perished. He never rejoiced at the death of any man; nay he would shed tears, and sigh, at the just punishment of the guilty. XVI. The only thing deservedly blameable in his character was his love of money. For not satisfied with reviving the imposts which had been repealed in the time of Galba, he imposed new and onerous taxes, augmented the tribute of the provinces, and doubled that of some of them. He likewise openly engaged in a traffic, which is discreditable 758 even to a private individual, buying great quantities of goods, for the purpose of retailing them again to advantage. Nay, he made no scruple of selling the great offices of the state to candidates, and pardons to persons under prosecution, whether they were innocent or guilty. It is believed, that he advanced all the most rapacious amongst the procurators to higher offices, with the view of squeezing them after they had acquired great wealth. He was commonly said, "to have used them as sponges," because it was his practice, as we may say, to wet them when dry, and squeeze them when wet. It is said that he was naturally extremely covetous, and was upbraided with it by an old herdsman of his, who, upon the emperor's refusing to enfranchise him gratis, which on his advancement he humbly petitioned for, cried out, "That the fox changed his hair, but not his nature." On the other hand, some are of opinion, that he was urged to his rapacious proceedings by necessity, and the extreme poverty of the treasury and exchequer, of which he took public notice in the beginning of his reign; declaring that "no less than four hundred thousand millions of sesterces were wanting to carry on the government." This is the more likely to be true, because he applied to the best purposes what he procured by bad means. XVII. His liberality, however, to all ranks of people, was excessive. He made up to several senators the estate required (457) by law to qualify them for that dignity; relieving likewise such men of consular rank as were poor, with a yearly allowance of five hundred thousand sesterces 759; and rebuilt, in a better manner than before, several cities in different parts of the empire, which had been damaged by earthquakes or fires. XVIII. He was a great encourager of learning and the liberal arts. He first granted to the Latin and Greek professors of rhetoric the yearly stipend of a hundred thousand sesterces 760 each out of the exchequer. He also bought the freedom of superior poets and artists 761, and gave a noble gratuity to the restorer of the Coan of Venus 762, and to another artist who repaired the Colossus 763. Some one offering to convey some immense columns into the Capitol at a small expense by a mechanical contrivance, he rewarded him very handsomely for his invention, but would not accept his service, saying, "Suffer me to find maintenance for the poor people."

He gave Apollinaris, the tragedian, four hundred thousand sesterces, and to Terpinus and Diodorus, the harpers, two hundred thousand; to some a hundred thousand; and the least he gave to any of the performers was forty thousand, besides many golden crowns. He entertained company constantly at his table, and often in great state and very sumptuously, in order to promote trade. As in the Saturnalia he made presents to the men which they were to carry away with them, so did he to the women upon the calends of March ; notwithstanding which, he could not wipe off the disrepute of his former stinginess. The Alexandrians called him constantly Cybiosactes; a name which had been given to one of their kings who was sordidly avaricious. Nay, at his funeral, Favo, the principal mimic, personating him, and imitating, as actors do, both his manner of speaking and his gestures, asked aloud of the procurators, "how much his funeral and the procession would cost?" And being answered "ten millions of sesterces," he cried out, "give him but a hundred thousand sesterces, and they might throw his body into the Tiber, if they would."
XX. He was broad-set, strong-limbed, and his features gave the idea of a man in the act of straining himself. In consequence, one of the city wits, upon the emperor's desiring him "to say something droll respecting himself," facetiously answered, "I will, when you have done relieving your bowels

Toutou d' espomenoio kai ek pyros aithomenoio Ampho nostaesuimen, epei peri oide noaesai...Unus homo nobis vigilando restituit rem NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR. (337) I. Two celebrated families, the Calvini and Aenobarbi, sprung from the race of the Domitii. The Aenobarbi derive both their extraction and their cognomen from one Lucius Domitius, of whom we have this tradition: —As he was returning out of the country to Rome, he was met by two young men of a most august appearance, who desired him to announce to the senate and people a victory, of which no certain intelligence had yet reached the city. To prove that they were more than mortals, they stroked his cheeks, and thus changed his hair, which was black, to a bright colour, resembling that of brass; which mark of distinction descended to his posterity, for they had generally red beards. This family had the honour of seven consulships 548, one triumph 549, and two censorships 550; and being admitted into the patrician order, they continued the use of the same cognomen, with no other praenomina 551 than those of Cneius and Lucius. These, however, they assumed with singular irregularity; three persons in succession sometimes adhering to one of them, and then they were changed alternately. For the first, second, and third of the Aenobarbi had the praenomen of Lucius, and again the three following, successively, that of Cneius, while those who came after were called, by turns, one, Lucius, and the other, Cneius. It appears to me proper to give a short account of several of the family, to show that Nero so far degenerated from the noble qualities of his ancestors, that he retained only their vices; as if those alone had been transmitted to him by his descent. II. To begin, therefore, at a remote period, his great-grandfather's grandfather, Cneius Domitius, when he was tribune of the people, being offended with the high priests for electing another than himself in the room of his father, obtained the (338) transfer of the right of election from the colleges of the priests to the people. In his consulship 552, having conquered the Allobroges and the Arverni 553, he made a progress through the province, mounted upon an elephant, with a body of soldiers attending him, in a sort of triumphal pomp. Of this person the orator Licinius Crassus said, "It was no wonder he had a brazen beard, who had a face of iron, and a heart of lead." His son, during his praetorship 554, proposed that Cneius Caesar, upon the expiration of his consulship, should be called to account before the senate for his administration of that office, which was supposed to be contrary both to the omens and the laws. Afterwards, when he was consul himself 555, he tried to deprive Cneius of the command of the army, and having been, by intrigue and cabal, appointed his successor, he was made prisoner at Corsinium, in the beginning of the civil war. Being set at liberty, he went to Marseilles, which was then besieged; where having, by his presence, animated the people to hold out, he suddenly deserted them, and at last was slain in the battle of Pharsalia. He was a man of little constancy, and of a sullen temper. In despair of his fortunes, he had recourse to poison, but was so terrified at the thoughts of death, that, immediately repenting, he took a vomit to throw it up again, and gave freedom to his physician for having, with great prudence and wisdom, given him only a gentle dose of the poison. When Cneius Pompey was consulting with his friends in what manner he should conduct himself towards those who were neuter and took no part in the contest, he was the only one who proposed that they should be treated as enemies. III. He left a son, who was, without doubt, the best of the family. By the Pedian law, he was condemned, although innocent, amongst others who were concerned in the death of Caesar 556. Upon this, he went over to Brutus and Cassius, his near relations; and, after their death, not only kept together the fleet, the command of which had been given him some time before, but even increased it. At last, when the party had everywhere been defeated, he voluntarily surrendered it to (339) Mark Antony; considering it as a piece of service for which the latter owed him no small obligations. Of all those who were condemned by the law above-mentioned, he was the only man who was restored to his country, and filled the highest offices. When the civil war again broke out, he was appointed lieutenant under the same Antony, and offered the chief command by those who were ashamed of Cleopatra; but not daring, on account of a sudden indisposition with which he was seized, either to accept or refuse it, he went over to Augustus 557, and died a few days after, not without an aspersion cast upon his memory. For Antony gave out, that he was induced to change sides by his impatience to be with his mistress, Servilia Nais. 558 IV. This Cneius had a son, named Domitius, who was afterwards well known as the nominal purchaser of the family property left by Augustus's will 559; and no less famous in his youth for his dexterity in chariot-driving, than he was afterwards for the triumphal ornaments which he obtained in the German war. But he was a man of great arrogance, prodigality, and cruelty. When he was aedile, he obliged Lucius Plancus, the censor, to give him the way; and in his praetorship, and consulship, he made Roman knights and married women act on the stage. He gave hunts of wild beasts, both in the Circus and in all the wards of the city; as also a show of gladiators; but with such barbarity, that Augustus, after privately reprimanding him, to no purpose, was obliged to restrain him by a public edict. V. By the elder Antonia he had Nero's father, a man of execrable character in every part of his life. During his attendance upon Caius Caesar in the East, he killed a freedman of his own, for refusing to drink as much as he ordered him. Being dismissed for this from Caesar's society, he did not mend his habits; for, in a village upon the Appian road, he suddenly whipped his horses, and drove his chariot, on purpose, (340) over a poor boy, crushing him to pieces. At Rome, he struck out the eye of a Roman knight in the Forum, only for some free language in a dispute between them. He was likewise so fraudulent, that he not only cheated some silversmiths 560 of the price of goods he had bought of them, but, during his praetorship, defrauded the owners of chariots in the Circensian games of the prizes due to them for their victory. His sister, jeering him for the complaints made by the leaders of the several parties, he agreed to sanction a law, "That, for the future, the prizes should be immediately paid." A little before the death of Tiberius, he was prosecuted for treason, adulteries, and incest with his sister Lepida, but escaped in the timely change of affairs, and died of a dropsy, at Pyrgi 561; leaving behind him his son, Nero, whom he had by Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus. VI. Nero was born at Antium, nine months after the death of Tiberius 562, upon the eighteenth of the calends of January [15th December], just as the sun rose, so that its beams touched him before they could well reach the earth. While many fearful conjectures, in respect to his future fortune, were formed by different persons, from the circumstances of his nativity, a saying of his father, Domitius, was regarded as an ill presage, who told his friends who were congratulating him upon the occasion, "That nothing but what was detestable, and pernicious to the public, could ever be produced of him and Agrippina." Another manifest prognostic of his future infelicity occurred upon his lustration day 563. For Caius Caesar being requested by his sister to give the child what name he thought proper—looking at his uncle, Claudius, who (341) afterwards, when emperor, adopted Nero, he gave his: and this not seriously, but only in jest; Agrippina treating it with contempt, because Claudius at that time was a mere laughing-stock at the palace. He lost his father when he was three years old, being left heir to a third part of his estate; of which he never got possession, the whole being seized by his co-heir, Caius. His mother being soon after banished, he lived with his aunt Lepida, in a very necessitous condition, under the care of two tutors, a dancing-master and a barber. After Claudius came to the empire, he not only recovered his father's estate, but was enriched with the additional inheritance of that of his step-father, Crispus Passienus. Upon his mother's recall from banishment, he was advanced to such favour, through Nero's powerful interest with the emperor, that it was reported, assassins were employed by Messalina, Claudius's wife, to strangle him, as Britannicus's rival, whilst he was taking his noon-day repose. In addition to the story, it was said that they were frightened by a serpent, which crept from under his cushion, and ran away. The tale was occasioned by finding on his couch, near the pillow, the skin of a snake, which, by his mother's order, he wore for some time upon his right arm, inclosed in a bracelet of gold. This amulet, at last, he laid aside, from aversion to her memory; but he sought for it again, in vain, in the time of his extremity. VII. When he was yet a mere boy, before he arrived at the age of puberty, during the celebration of the Circensian games 564, he performed his part in the Trojan play with a degree of firmness which gained him great applause. In the eleventh year of his age, he was adopted by Claudius, and placed under the tuition of Annaeus Seneca 565, who had been made a senator. It is said, that Seneca dreamt the night after, that he was giving a lesson to Caius Caesar 566. Nero soon verified his dream, betraying the cruelty of his disposition in every way he could. For he attempted to persuade his father that his brother, Britannicus, was nothing but a changeling, because the latter had (342) saluted him, notwithstanding his adoption, by the name of Aenobarbus, as usual. When his aunt, Lepida, was brought to trial, he appeared in court as a witness against her, to gratify his mother, who persecuted the accused. On his introduction into the Forum, at the age of manhood, he gave a largess to the people and a donative to the soldiers: for the pretorian cohorts, he appointed a solemn procession under arms, and marched at the head of them with a shield in his hand; after which he went to return thanks to his father in the senate. Before Claudius, likewise, at the time he was consul, he made a speech for the Bolognese, in Latin, and for the Rhodians and people of Ilium, in Greek. He had the jurisdiction of praefect of the city, for the first time, during the Latin festival; during which the most celebrated advocates brought before him, not short and trifling causes, as is usual in that case, but trials of importance, notwithstanding they had instructions from Claudius himself to the contrary. Soon afterwards, he married Octavia, and exhibited the Circensian games, and hunting of wild beasts, in honour of Claudius. VIII. He was seventeen years of age at the death of that prince 567, and as soon as that event was made public, he went out to the cohort on guard between the hours of six and seven; for the omens were so disastrous, that no earlier time of the day was judged proper. On the steps before the palace gate, he was unanimously saluted by the soldiers as their emperor, and then carried in a litter to the camp; thence, after making a short speech to the troops, into the senate-house, where he continued until the evening; of all the immense honours which were heaped upon him, refusing none but the title of FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, on account of his youth, IX. He began his reign with an ostentation of dutiful regard to the memory of Claudius, whom he buried with the utmost pomp and magnificence, pronouncing the funeral oration himself, and then had him enrolled amongst the gods. He paid likewise the highest honours to the memory of his father Domitius. He left the management of affairs, both public and private, to his mother. The word which he gave the first day of his reign to the tribune on guard, was, "The (343) Best of Mothers," and afterwards he frequently appeared with her in the streets of Rome in her litter. He settled a colony at Antium, in which he placed the veteran soldiers belonging to the guards; and obliged several of the richest centurions of the first rank to transfer their residence to that place; where he likewise made a noble harbour at a prodigious expense. 568 X. To establish still further his character, he declared, "that he designed to govern according to the model of Augustus;" and omitted no opportunity of showing his generosity, clemency, and complaisance. The more burthensome taxes he either entirely took off, or diminished. The rewards appointed for informers by the Papian law, he reduced to a fourth part, and distributed to the people four hundred sesterces a man. To the noblest of the senators who were much reduced in their circumstances, he granted annual allowances, in some cases as much as five hundred thousand sesterces; and to the pretorian cohorts a monthly allowance of corn gratis. When called upon to subscribe the sentence, according to custom, of a criminal condemned to die, "I wish," said he, "I had never learnt to read and write." He continually saluted people of the several orders by name, without a prompter. When the senate returned him their thanks for his good government, he replied to them, "It will be time enough to do so when I shall have deserved it." He admitted the common people to see him perform his exercises in the Campus Martius. He frequently declaimed in public, and recited verses of his own composing, not only at home, but in the theatre; so much to the joy of all the people, that public prayers were appointed to be put up to the gods upon that account; and the verses which had been publicly read, were, after being written in gold letters, consecrated to Jupiter Capitolinus. (344) XI. He presented the people with a great number and variety of spectacles, as the Juvenal and Circensian games, stage-plays, and an exhibition of gladiators. In the Juvenal, he even admitted senators and aged matrons to perform parts. In the Circensian games, he assigned the equestrian order seats apart from the rest of the people, and had races performed by chariots drawn each by four camels. In the games which he instituted for the eternal duration of the empire, and therefore ordered to be called Maximi, many of the senatorian and equestrian order, of both sexes, performed. A distinguished Roman knight descended on the stage by a rope, mounted on an elephant. A Roman play, likewise, composed by Afranius, was brought upon the stage. It was entitled, "The Fire;" and in it the performers were allowed to carry off, and to keep to themselves, the furniture of the house, which, as the plot of the play required, was burnt down in the theatre. Every day during the solemnity, many thousand articles of all descriptions were thrown amongst the people to scramble for; such as fowls of different kinds, tickets for corn, clothes, gold, silver, gems, pearls, pictures, slaves, beasts of burden, wild beasts that had been tamed; at last, ships, lots of houses, and lands, were offered as prizes in a lottery. XII. These games he beheld from the front of the proscenium. In the show of gladiators, which he exhibited in a wooden amphitheatre, built within a year in the district of the Campus Martius 569, he ordered that none should be slain, not even the condemned criminals employed in the combats. He secured four hundred senators, and six hundred Roman knights, amongst whom were some of unbroken fortunes and unblemished reputation, to act as gladiators. From the same orders, he engaged persons to encounter wild beasts, and for various other services in the theatre. He presented the public with the representation of a naval fight, upon sea-water, with huge fishes swimming in it; as also with the Pyrrhic dance, performed by certain youths, to each of whom, after the performance was over, he granted the freedom of Rome. During this diversion, a bull covered Pasiphae, concealed within a wooden statue of a cow, as many of the spectators believed. Icarus, upon his first attempt to fly, fell on the stage close to (345) the emperor's pavilion, and bespattered him with blood. For he very seldom presided in the games, but used to view them reclining on a couch, at first through some narrow apertures, but afterwards with the Podium 570 quite open. He was the first who instituted 571, in imitation of the Greeks, a trial of skill in the three several exercises of music, wrestling, and horse-racing, to be performed at Rome every five years, and which he called Neronia. Upon the dedication of his bath 572 and gymnasium, he furnished the senate and the equestrian order with oil. He appointed as judges of the trial men of consular rank, chosen by lot, who sat with the praetors. At this time he went down into the orchestra amongst the senators, and received the crown for the best performance in Latin prose and verse, for which several persons of the greatest merit contended, but they unanimously yielded to him. The crown for the best performer on the harp, being likewise awarded to him by the judges, he devoutly saluted it, and ordered it to be carried to the statue of Augustus. In the gymnastic exercises, which he presented in the Septa, while they were preparing the great sacrifice of an ox, he shaved his beard for the first time 573, and putting it up in a casket of gold studded with pearls of great price, consecrated it to Jupiter Capitolinus. He invited the Vestal Virgins to see the (346) wrestlers perform, because, at Olympia, the priestesses of Ceres are allowed the privilege of witnessing that exhibition. XIII. Amongst the spectacles presented by him, the solemn entrance of Tiridates 574 into the city deserves to be mentioned. This personage, who was king of Armenia, he invited to Rome by very liberal promises. But being prevented by unfavourable weather from showing him to the people upon the day fixed by proclamation, he took the first opportunity which occurred; several cohorts being drawn up under arms, about the temples in the forum, while he was seated on a curule chair on the rostra, in a triumphal dress, amidst the military standards and ensigns. Upon Tiridates advancing towards him, on a stage made shelving for the purpose, he permitted him to throw himself at his feet, but quickly raised him with his right hand, and kissed him. The emperor then, at the king's request, took the turban from his head, and replaced it by a crown, whilst a person of pretorian rank proclaimed in Latin the words in which the prince addressed the emperor as a suppliant. After this ceremony, the king was conducted to the theatre, where, after renewing his obeisance, Nero seated him on his right hand. Being then greeted by universal acclamation with the title of Emperor, and sending his laurel crown to the Capitol, Nero shut the temple of the two-faced Janus, as though there now existed no war throughout the Roman empire. XIV. He filled the consulship four times 575: the first for two months, the second and last for six, and the third for four; the two intermediate ones he held successively, but the others after an interval of some years between them. XV. In the administration of justice, he scarcely ever gave his decision on the pleadings before the next day, and then in writing. His manner of hearing causes was not to allow any adjournment, but to dispatch them in order as they stood. When he withdrew to consult his assessors, he did not debate the matter openly with them; but silently and privately reading over their opinions, which they gave separately in writing, (347) he pronounced sentence from the tribunal according to his own view of the case, as if it was the opinion of the majority. For a long time he would not admit the sons of freedmen into the senate; and those who had been admitted by former princes, he excluded from all public offices. To supernumerary candidates he gave command in the legions, to comfort them under the delay of their hopes. The consulship he commonly conferred for six months; and one of the two consuls dying a little before the first of January, he substituted no one in his place; disliking what had been formerly done for Caninius Rebilus on such an occasion, who was consul for one day only. He allowed the triumphal honours only to those who were of quaestorian rank, and to some of the equestrian order; and bestowed them without regard to military service. And instead of the quaestors, whose office it properly was, he frequently ordered that the addresses, which he sent to the senate on certain occasions, should be read by the consuls. XVI. He devised a new style of building in the city, ordering piazzas to be erected before all houses, both in the streets and detached, to give facilities from their terraces, in case of fire, for preventing it from spreading; and these he built at his own expense. He likewise designed to extend the city walls as far as Ostia, and bring the sea from thence by a canal into the old city. Many severe regulations and new orders were made in his time. A sumptuary law was enacted. Public suppers were limited to the Sportulae 576; and victualling-houses restrained from selling any dressed victuals, except pulse and herbs, whereas before they sold all kinds of meat. He likewise inflicted punishments on the Christians, a sort of people who held a new and impious 577 superstition. (348) He forbad the revels of the charioteers, who had long assumed a licence to stroll about, and established for themselves a kind of prescriptive right to cheat and thieve, making a jest of it. The partisans of the rival theatrical performers were banished, as well as the actors themselves. XVII. To prevent forgery, a method was then first invented, of having writings bored, run through three times with a thread, and then sealed. It was likewise provided that in wills, the two first pages, with only the testator's name upon them, should be presented blank to those who were to sign them as witnesses; and that no one who wrote a will for another, should insert any legacy for himself. It was likewise ordained that clients should pay their advocates a certain reasonable fee, but nothing for the court, which was to be gratuitous, the charges for it being paid out of the public treasury; that causes, the cognizance of which before belonged to the judges of the exchequer, should be transferred to the forum, and the ordinary tribunals; and that all appeals from the judges should be made to the senate. XVIII. He never entertained the least ambition or hope of augmenting and extending the frontiers of the empire. On the contrary, he had thoughts of withdrawing the troops from Britain, and was only restrained from so doing by the fear of appearing to detract from the glory of his father 578. All (349) that he did was to reduce the kingdom of Pontus, which was ceded to him by Polemon, and also the Alps 579, upon the death of Cottius, into the form of a province. XIX. Twice only he undertook any foreign expeditions, one to Alexandria, and the other to Achaia; but he abandoned the prosecution of the former on the very day fixed for his departure, by being deterred both by ill omens, and the hazard of the voyage. For while he was making the circuit of the temples, having seated himself in that of Vesta, when he attempted to rise, the skirt of his robe stuck fast; and he was instantly seized with such a dimness in his eyes, that he could not see a yard before him. In Achaia, he attempted to make a cut through the Isthmus 580; and, having made a speech encouraging his pretorians to set about the work, on a signal given by sound of trumpet, he first broke ground with a spade, and carried off a basket full of earth upon his shoulders. He made preparations for an expedition to the Pass of the Caspian mountains 581; forming a new legion out of his late levies in Italy, of men all six feet high, which he called the phalanx of Alexander the Great. These transactions, in part unexceptionable, and in part highly commendable, I have brought into one view, in order to separate them from the scandalous and criminal part of his conduct, of which I shall now give an account. XX. Among the other liberal arts which he was taught in his youth, he was instructed in music; and immediately after (350) his advancement to the empire, he sent for Terpnus, a performer upon the harp 582, who flourished at that time with the highest reputation. Sitting with him for several days following, as he sang and played after supper, until late at night, he began by degrees to practise upon the instrument himself. Nor did he omit any of those expedients which artists in music adopt, for the preservation and improvement of their voices. He would lie upon his back with a sheet of lead upon his breast, clear his stomach and bowels by vomits and clysters, and forbear the eating of fruits, or food prejudicial to the voice. Encouraged by his proficiency, though his voice was naturally neither loud nor clear, he was desirous of appearing upon the stage, frequently repeating amongst his friends a Greek proverb to this effect: "that no one had any regard for music which they never heard." Accordingly, he made his first public appearance at Naples; and although the theatre quivered with the sudden shock of an earthquake, he did not desist, until he had finished the piece of music he had begun. He played and sung in the same place several times, and for several days together; taking only now and then a little respite to refresh his voice. Impatient of retirement, it was his custom to go from the bath to the theatre; and after dining in the orchestra, amidst a crowded assembly of the people, he promised them in Greek 583, "that after he had drank a little, he would give them a tune which would make their ears tingle." Being highly pleased with the songs that were sung in his praise by some Alexandrians belonging to the fleet just arrived at Naples 584, he sent for more of the like singers from Alexandria. At the same time, he chose young men of the equestrian order, and above five thousand robust young fellows from the common people, on purpose to learn various kinds of applause, called bombi, imbrices, and testae 585, which they were to practise in his favour, whenever he performed. They were (351) divided into several parties, and were remarkable for their fine heads of hair, and were extremely well dressed, with rings upon their left hands. The leaders of these bands had salaries of forty thousand sesterces allowed them. XXI. At Rome also, being extremely proud of his singing, he ordered the games called Neronia to be celebrated before the time fixed for their return. All now becoming importunate to hear "his heavenly voice," he informed them, "that he would gratify those who desired it at the gardens." But the soldiers then on guard seconding the voice of the people, he promised to comply with their request immediately, and with all his heart. He instantly ordered his name to be entered upon the list of musicians who proposed to contend, and having thrown his lot into the urn among the rest, took his turn, and entered, attended by the prefects of the pretorian cohorts bearing his harp, and followed by the military tribunes, and several of his intimate friends. After he had taken his station, and made the usual prelude, he commanded Cluvius Rufus, a man of consular rank, to proclaim in the theatre, that he intended to sing the story of Niobe. This he accordingly did, and continued it until nearly ten o'clock, but deferred the disposal of the crown, and the remaining part of the solemnity, until the next year; that he might have more frequent opportunities of performing. But that being too long, he could not refrain from often appearing as a public performer during the interval. He made no scruple of exhibiting on the stage, even in the spectacles presented to the people by private persons, and was offered by one of the praetors, no less than a million of sesterces for his services. He likewise sang tragedies in a mask; the visors of the heroes and gods, as also of the heroines and goddesses, being formed into a resemblance of his own face, and that of any woman he was in love with. Amongst the rest, he sung "Canace in Labour," 586 "Orestes the Murderer of his Mother," "Oedipus (352) Blinded," and "Hercules Mad." In the last tragedy, it is said that a young sentinel, posted at the entrance of the stage, seeing him in a prison dress and bound with fetters, as the fable of the play required, ran to his assistance. XXII. He had from his childhood an extravagant passion for horses; and his constant talk was of the Circensian races, notwithstanding it was prohibited him. Lamenting once, among his fellow-pupils, the case of a charioteer of the green party, who was dragged round the circus at the tail of his chariot, and being reprimanded by his tutor for it, he pretended that he was talking of Hector. In the beginning of his reign, he used to amuse himself daily with chariots drawn by four horses, made of ivory, upon a table. He attended at all the lesser exhibitions in the circus, at first privately, but at last openly; so that nobody ever doubted of his presence on any particular day. Nor did he conceal his desire to have the number of the prizes doubled; so that the races being increased accordingly, the diversion continued until a late hour; the leaders of parties refusing now to bring out their companies for any time less than the whole day. Upon this, he took a fancy for driving the chariot himself, and that even publicly. Having made his first experiment in the gardens, amidst crowds of slaves and other rabble, he at length performed in the view of all the people, in the Circus Maximus, whilst one of his freedmen dropped the napkin in the place where the magistrates used to give the signal. Not satisfied with exhibiting various specimens of his skill in those arts at Rome, he went over to Achaia, as has been already said, principally for this purpose. The several cities, in which solemn trials of musical skill used to be publicly held, had resolved to send him the crowns belonging to those who bore away the prize. These he accepted so graciously, that he not only gave the deputies who brought them an immediate audience, but even invited them to his table. Being requested by some of them to sing at supper, and prodigiously applauded, he said, "the Greeks were the only people who has an ear for music, and were the only good judges of him and his attainments." Without delay he commenced his journey, and on his arrival at Cassiope 587, (352) exhibited his first musical performance before the altar of Jupiter Cassius. XXIII. He afterwards appeared at the celebration of all public games in Greece: for such as fell in different years, he brought within the compass of one, and some he ordered to be celebrated a second time in the same year. At Olympia, likewise, contrary to custom, he appointed a public performance in music: and that he might meet with no interruption in this employment, when he was informed by his freedman Helius, that affairs at Rome required his presence, he wrote to him in these words: "Though now all your hopes and wishes are for my speedy return, yet you ought rather to advise and hope that I may come back with a character worthy of Nero." During the time of his musical performance, nobody was allowed to stir out of the theatre upon any account, however necessary; insomuch, that it is said some women with child were delivered there. Many of the spectators being quite wearied with hearing and applauding him, because the town gates were shut, slipped privately over the walls; or counterfeiting themselves dead, were carried out for their funeral. With what extreme anxiety he engaged in these contests, with what keen desire to bear away the prize, and with how much awe of the judges, is scarcely to be believed. As if his adversaries had been on a level with himself, he would watch them narrowly, defame them privately, and sometimes, upon meeting them, rail at them in very scurrilous language; or bribe them, if they were better performers than himself. He always addressed the judges with the most profound reverence before he began, telling them, "he had done all things that were necessary, by way of preparation, but that the issue of the approaching trial was in the hand of fortune; and that they, as wise and skilful men, ought to exclude from their judgment things merely accidental." Upon their encouraging him to have a good heart, he went off with more assurance, but not entirely free from anxiety; interpreting the silence and modesty of some of them into sourness and ill-nature, and saying that he was suspicious of them. XXIV. In these contests, he adhered so strictly to the rules, (354) that he never durst spit, nor wipe the sweat from his forehead in any other way than with his sleeve. Having, in the performance of a tragedy, dropped his sceptre, and not quickly recovering it, he was in a great fright, lest he should be set aside for the miscarriage, and could not regain his assurance, until an actor who stood by swore he was certain it had not been observed in the midst of the acclamations and exultations of the people. When the prize was adjudged to him, he always proclaimed it himself; and even entered the lists with the heralds. That no memory or the least monument might remain of any other victor in the sacred Grecian games, he ordered all their statues and pictures to be pulled down, dragged away with hooks, and thrown into the common sewers. He drove the chariot with various numbers of horses, and at the Olympic games with no fewer than ten; though, in a poem of his, he had reflected upon Mithridates for that innovation. Being thrown out of his chariot, he was again replaced, but could not retain his seat, and was obliged to give up, before he reached the goal, but was crowned notwithstanding. On his departure, he declared the whole province a free country, and conferred upon the judges in the several games the freedom of Rome, with large sums of money. All these favours he proclaimed himself with his own voice, from the middle of the Stadium, during the solemnity of the Isthmian games. XXV. On his return from Greece, arriving at Naples, because he had commenced his career as a public performer in that city, he made his entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the city-wall, according to the practice of those who were victorious in the sacred Grecian games. In the same manner he entered Antium, Alba, and Rome. He made his entry into the city riding in the same chariot in which Augustus had triumphed, in a purple tunic, and a cloak embroidered with golden stars, having on his head the crown won at Olympia, and in his right hand that which was given him at the Parthian games: the rest being carried in a procession before him, with inscriptions denoting the places where they had been won, from whom, and in what plays or musical performances; whilst a train followed him with loud acclamations, crying out, that "they (355) were the emperor's attendants, and the soldiers of his triumph." Having then caused an arch of the Circus Maximus 588 to be taken down, he passed through the breach, as also through the Velabrum 589 and the forum, to the Palatine hill and the temple of Apollo. Everywhere as he marched along, victims were slain, whilst the streets were strewed with saffron, and birds, chaplets, and sweetmeats scattered abroad. He suspended the sacred crowns in his chamber, about his beds, and caused statues of himself to be erected in the attire of a harper, and had his likeness stamped upon the coin in the same dress. After this period, he was so far from abating any thing of his application to music, that, for the preservation of his voice, he never addressed the soldiers but by messages, or with some person to deliver his speeches for him, when he thought fit to make his appearance amongst them. Nor did he ever do any thing either in jest or earnest, without a voice-master standing by him to caution him against overstraining his vocal organs, and to apply a handkerchief to his mouth when he did. He offered his friendship, or avowed (356) open enmity to many, according as they were lavish or sparing in giving him their applause. XXVI. Petulancy, lewdness, luxury, avarice, and cruelty, he practised at first with reserve and in private, as if prompted to them only by the folly of youth; but, even then, the world was of opinion that they were the faults of his nature, and not of his age. After it was dark, he used to enter the taverns disguised in a cap or a wig, and ramble about the streets in sport, which was not void of mischief. He used to beat those he met coming home from supper; and, if they made any resistance, would wound them, and throw them into the common sewer. He broke open and robbed shops; establishing an auction at home for selling his booty. In the scuffles which took place on those occasions, he often ran the hazard of losing his eyes, and even his life; being beaten almost to death by a senator, for handling his wife indecently. After this adventure, he never again ventured abroad at that time of night, without some tribunes following him at a little distance. In the day-time he would be carried to the theatre incognito in a litter, placing himself upon the upper part of the proscenium, where he not only witnessed the quarrels which arose on account of the performances, but also encouraged them. When they came to blows, and stones and pieces of broken benches began to fly about, he threw them plentifully amongst the people, and once even broke a praetor's head. XXVII. His vices gaining strength by degrees, he laid aside his jocular amusements, and all disguise; breaking out into enormous crimes, without the least attempt to conceal them. His revels were prolonged from mid-day to midnight, while he was frequently refreshed by warm baths, and, in the summer time, by such as were cooled with snow. He often supped in public, in the Naumachia, with the sluices shut, or in the Campus Martius, or the Circus Maximus, being waited upon at table by common prostitutes of the town, and Syrian strumpets and glee-girls. As often as he went down the Tiber to Ostia, or coasted through the gulf of Baiae, booths furnished as brothels and eating-houses, were erected along the shore and river banks; before which stood matrons, who, like bawds and hostesses, allured him to land. It was also his custom to invite (357) himself to supper with his friends; at one of which was expended no less than four millions of sesterces in chaplets, and at another something more in roses. XXVIII. Besides the abuse of free-born lads, and the debauch of married women, he committed a rape upon Rubria, a Vestal Virgin. He was upon the point of marrying Acte 590, his freedwoman, having suborned some men of consular rank to swear that she was of royal descent. He gelded the boy Sporus, and endeavoured to transform him into a woman. He even went so far as to marry him, with all the usual formalities of a marriage settlement, the rose-coloured nuptial veil, and a numerous company at the wedding. When the ceremony was over, he had him conducted like a bride to his own house, and treated him as his wife 591. It was jocularly observed by some person, "that it would have been well for mankind, had such a wife fallen to the lot of his father Domitius." This Sporus he carried about with him in a litter round the solemn assemblies and fairs of Greece, and afterwards at Rome through the Sigillaria 592, dressed in the rich attire of an empress; kissing him from time to time as they rode together. That he entertained an incestuous passion for his mother 593, but was deterred by her enemies, for fear that this haughty and overbearing woman should, by her compliance, get him entirely into her power, and govern in every thing, was universally believed; especially after he had introduced amongst his concubines a strumpet, who was reported to have a strong resemblance to Agrippina 594.———— XXIX. He prostituted his own chastity to such a degree, that (358) after he had defiled every part of his person with some unnatural pollution, he at last invented an extraordinary kind of diversion; which was, to be let out of a den in the arena, covered with the skin of a wild beast, and then assail with violence the private parts both of men and women, while they were bound to stakes. After he had vented his furious passion upon them, he finished the play in the embraces of his freedman Doryphorus 595, to whom he was married in the same way that Sporus had been married to himself; imitating the cries and shrieks of young virgins, when they are ravished. I have been informed from numerous sources, that he firmly believed, no man in the world to be chaste, or any part of his person undefiled; but that most men concealed that vice, and were cunning enough to keep it secret. To those, therefore, who frankly owned their unnatural lewdness, he forgave all other crimes.1 denarii = 4 SESTÉRCIOS 1 MACHO 520 SESTERTIUS 2 ESCRAVOS 5048 SESTERTIUS EM 79 METADE DAS MOEDAS EM CIRCULAÇÃO ERAM DE VESPASIANO E 1/4 ERAM DE NERO MAS NO TESOURO DE POMPEIA EM 61 AUREI 37 SÃO DE NERO E 15 DE VESPASIANO ,,,,E PORQUÊ? É SIMPLEX IN 63 ANNUS DOMINUS O AUREUS FOI SUJEITO A UMA QUEBRA DE MOEDA POIS NERO NECESSITAVA DE GRANA PARA MANTER A EUROZONA E DAÍ COM CADA LIBRA DE OURO PASSARAM-SE A CUNHAR 45 AUREUS EM VEZ DE 42 ....BAIXANDO DE 7,8 PARA 7,3 GRAMAS ..DAÍ A MOEDA ANTERIOR À DESVALORIZAÇÃO SER ARRECADADA....E OS DENÁRIOS EM CIRCULAÇÃO NO TEMPUS NERONI ERAM EM GRANDE PARTE REPUBLICANOS...POIS ERAM MAIS PESADINHOS QUE OS IMPERIAIS 3,89GRAMAS 84 MOEDAS CUNHADAS POR LIBRA DE PESO...OS DE NERO ERAM 96....POR LIBRA CRIOU O DENÁRIO LEVE COM 3,41 GRAMAS DE PRATA E SUBIU A PERCENTAGEM DE BRONZE NA PRATA DE 5 PARA 10%..... .ROMANUS SUMUS A CONVENÇÃO EXIGE CIDADÃOS COMO UMA SEPULTURA ROMANA EXIGE UM JARDIM COM POMAR POIS O TEMPO DE ENTERRAR NÃO EXIGE COMIDA PARA OS QUE PARTIRAM MAS PARA OS QUE SE SENTAM NO TRICLINIUM NOS ANOS DO QUE FOI DESTA PARA MELHOR UM POÇO PARA REGAR O POMAR PARA OS PARENTES REUNIDOS NO BANQUETE EM HONRA DOS EGRÉGIOS AVÓS QUE OS ENDIVIDARAM E UM BANCO SEMI-CIRCULAR É VIVER SCHOLA PARA DESCANSO DO CONVÉNIO ...

He thought there was no other use of riches and money than to squander them away profusely; regarding all those as sordid wretches who kept their expenses within due bounds; and extolling those as truly noble and generous souls, who lavished away and wasted all they possessed. He praised and admired his uncle Caius  upon no account more, than for squandering in a short time the vast treasure left him by Tiberius. Accordingly, he was himself extravagant and profuse, beyond all bounds. He spent upon Tiridates eight hundred thousand sesterces a day, a sum almost incredible; and at his departure, presented him with upwards of a million . He likewise bestowed upon Menecrates the harper, and Spicillus a gladiator, the estates and houses of men who had received the honour of a triumph. He enriched the usurer Cercopithecus Panerotes with estates both in town and country; and gave him a funeral, in pomp and magnificence little inferior to that of princes. He never wore the same garment twice. He (359) has been known to stake four hundred thousand sesterces on a throw of the dice. It was his custom to fish with a golden net, drawn by silken cords of purple and scarlet. It is said, that he never travelled with less than a thousand baggage-carts; the mules being all shod with silver, and the drivers dressed in scarlet jackets of the finest Canusian cloth  with a numerous train of footmen, and troops of Mazacans  with bracelets on their arms, and mounted upon horses in splendid trappings.1 MODIUS 6,503 KG DE TRIGO 12 AS=3 SEST








dimarts, 27 de gener de 2015

LUCIFER:--From Latin, Lux, Light, and Fero, to bear, = A Light Bearer. There is a name "Lucifuge" also employed occasionally, from Lux, Light, and Fugio, to fly from, = He who shuns the Light. LEVIATAN:--From Hebrew, LVIThN (usually written Leviathan instead of Leviatan), = the Crooked or Piercing Serpent or Dragon. SATAN:--From Hebrew, ShTN, = an Adversary. BELIAL:--From Hebrew, BLIOL, = a Wicked One. THE EIGHT SUB-PRINCES. ASTAROT:--From Hebrew, OShThRVTh, = flocks, crowds or assemblies. Usually written "Ashtaroth". Also a name of the Goddess Astarté; Esther is derived from the same root. MAGOT:--May be from Hebrew, MOVTh, = small stones or pebbles; or from MG, = a changing of camp or place; or from Greek, MAGOS, a magician. Usually written Maguth. Compare the French word "Magot," meaning "a sort of baboon," and also "a hideous dwarfish man"; this expression is often used in fairy-tales to denote a spiteful dwarf or elf. This Spirit has also been credited with presiding over hidden treasure. Larousse derives the name either from ancient French or German. ASMODEE:--Usually written "Asmodeus," and sometimes "Chashmodai". Derived by some from the Hebrew word "ASAMOD," to destroy or exterminate; and by others from the Persian verb "AZMONDEN," = to tempt, to try or prove. Some Rabbins say that Asmodeus was the child of the incest of Tubal-Cain and his sister Naamah. Others say that he was the Demon of impurity. Others again relate that he was employed by Solomon in the building of the Temple at Jerusalem; that he then attempted to dethrone Solomon, to put himself in his place; but that the King vanquished him, and the Angel Gabriel chased him into Egypt, and there bound him in a Grotto. The Rabbins say that when Asmodeus was working at the building of the Temple, he made use of no metal tool; but instead of a certain stone which cut ordinary stone as a diamond will glass. BELZEBUD:--Also written frequently "Beelzebub," "Baalzebub," "Beelzebuth," and "Beelzeboul". From Hebrew, BOL, = Lord, and ZBVB, = Fly or Flies; Lord of Flies. Some derive the name from the Syriac "BEEL D’BOBO," = Master of Calumny, or nearly the same signification as the Greek word DIABOLOS, whence are derived the modern French and English "Diable" and "Devil". ORIENS:--These four names of Oriens, Paymon, Ariton and Amaymon, are usually allotted to the Evil Kings of the four quarters of the World. Oriens, from Latin, ORIENS, = rising or Eastern. This p. 111 name is also written Uriens, from Latin, URO, = to burn, or devour with flame. It is probably from Uriens that a mediæval title of the Devil, viz., "Sir Urien," is derived. The Name is also sometimes written "Urieus," from Latin, "URIOS," a title given to Jupiter as presiding over the Wind. Urieus is also derivable from the Greek Adj. "EURUS, EUREIA, EURU," meaning vast or extensive. By the Rabbins he is also called SMAL, Samael, which is derived from the Hebrew root SML, which means "a figure, image, or idol". It is a name given in the Qabalah to one of the Chief Evil Spirits. PAIMON:--Is also frequently written "Paymon," and sometimes "Paimonia". Probably from Hebrew, POMN, = a tinkling sound or small bell. This is again derived from the Hebrew root POM, = to agitate, impel, or strike forward. The word POMN is employed in Exodus 28, 34; 28, 33; and 39, 25. Paimon is also called by the Rabbins by the title of OZAZL, Azazel, which is a name used in Leviticus with reference to the Scape-Goat. Its derivation is from OZ, = a Goat; and AZL, = to go away. It has frequently been warmly discussed whether the word in question means simply the Scape-Goat, or whether it signifies a Demon to whom that animal was dedicated. But in Rabbinic Demonology it is always used to mean one of the Chief Demons. ARITON:--It is also often called "Egyn," or "Egin". This name may be derived from the Hebrew root ORH, = to lay bare, to make naked. It may also be derived from the Greek word ARHRETON, = secret, or mysterious, in any sense good or bad. Egin, may be derivable from Hebrew, OGN, = to delay, hinder, or retard. There may also be a connection with the Greek AIX, AIGOS, = a Goat. This Spirit is also called by the Rabbins OZAL, Azael, from the root OZ, which means both a Goat, and also vigour, vehemence of force; thus having partly the same root as "Azazel". AMAIMON:--Also written frequently "Amaymon"; perhaps from the Greek word MAIMON, present participle of MAIMAO; and A as an enforcing particle; hence AMAIMON would mean "terrible violence and vehemence". This Spirit is also called by the Rabbins MHZAL, Mahazael, perhaps from the root MZ, = to consume, or devour. Amaymon is spoken of in the various mediæval Magical works as being a very potent Spirit, and the use of a ring, with Magical characters to hold before the mouth while conversing with him, is recommended as a protection against his deadly, fiery, and poisonous breath. THE SERVITORS OF ORIENS, PAYMON, ARITON AND AMAYMON. HOSEN:--From Chaldaic, ChVSN, chosen, = Strong, Vigorous, Powerful. p. 112 SARAPH:--From Hebrew, ShRP, = to burn, or devour with fire. PROXOSOS:--Perhaps from Greek, PROX, PROXOKOS, = a Kid. HABHI:--From Chaldee, ChBA, or Hebrew, ChBH, = Hidden. ACUAR:--From Hebrew, AKR, = a tiller of the earth. TIRANA:--Perhaps from Hebrew, ThRN, = the Mast of a Ship, also an Apple Tree. ALLUPH:--From Hebrew, ALVP, = a Leader, a Duke; also a Bull, from his leading the herd. NERCAMAY:--Perhaps from Hebrew, NOR, = a boy, and ChMH a companion. NILEN:--Perhaps from NILUS, Latin, or NEILOS, Greek, = the River Nile. MOREL:--Perhaps from Hebrew, MRH, == to rebel. TRACI:--From Greek, TRACHUS, etc., = harsh, rude. ENAIA:--Perhaps from Hebrew, ONIH, = Poor, afflicted. MULACH:--Probably the same as "Moloch," from Hebrew, MLK, to rule. MALUTENS:--Perhaps from Hebrew, MOL, = to lie, or deceive, or prevaricate. IPARKAS:--Probably from Greek, HIPPARCHES, = a commander of cavalry, or leader of horse. NUDITON:--Apparently from the Latin, NUDITAS, = nakedness, derived in its turn from NUDATUS. MELNA:--Perhaps from Hebrew, LN, to abide or rest. MELHAER:--Perhaps from Hebrew, ML, to cut off, or divide, and ChR, whiteness, purity. RUACH:--From Hebrew, RVCh = Spirit. APOLHUN:--From Greek, APOLLUON, Apollyon, = the Destroyer. SCHABUACH:--From Arabic = to calm or assuage. MERMO:--From Coptic, MER, Across, and MOOU, Water, = Across Water. MELAMUD:--From Hebrew, MLMD, = stimulus to exertion. POTER:--From Greek, POTER, = a drinking cup, or vase. SCHED:--From Hebrew, ShDD, the Hebrew name for a devastating demon. But the Hebrew root ShD implies the same idea as the English words "To Shed"; and signifies a female breast. EKDULON:--Probably from Greek, EKDUO, = to despoil. MANTIENS.--From Latin, MANTIENS, and Greek, MANTEIA, = Prophesying, Divining. OBEDAMA:--From Hebrew, OBD, =a servant. AMA=mother. But AMH = a maid-servant, whence Obedama should signify a woman-servant. SACHIEL:--Is a name frequently given in Magical works to an Angel of the Planet Jupiter. SKK = to cover or protect, but SChH = to trample down. p. 113 MOSCHEL:--From Hebrew, MVSH, = to move oneself about. PEREUCH:--Perhaps from Greek, PER and EUCHE, = concerning prayer, or given unto prayer. DECCAL:--From Hebrew, DChL, = to fear. ASPERIM:--Perhaps from Latin, "ASPERA," = Rude, Rigorous, Perilous, Dangerous. KATINI:--From Hebrew, KThN, = a tunic, whence the Greek word CHITON. TORFORA:--From Hebrew, ThOR, = a small knife, or lancet. BADAD:--From Hebrew, BDD, = solitary. I have thus far given the probable derivations at length; but I shall, for the sake of brevity, here continue them without giving their roots and remarks thereon: COELEN.--Latin. Heavens. CHUSCHI.--Hebrew. Silent. TASMA.--Hebrew and Chaldaic. Weak. PACHID.--Hebrew. Fear. PAREK.--Hebrew. Roughness, Savage. RACHIAR.--Greek. Sea breaking on rocks. NOGAR.--Hebrew. Flowing. ADON.--Hebrew. Lord. TRAPIS.--Greek. Turning. NAGID.--Hebrew. A Leader. ETHANIM.--Hebrew. An Ass; a furnace. PATID.--Hebrew. Topaz. PAREHT.--Hebrew. Fruit. EMPHASTISON.--Greek. Image, Representation. PARASEH.--Chaldaic. Divided. GEREVIL.--Hebrew. Divining Lot, Sortilege. ELMIS.--Coptic. Flying. ASMIEL.--Hebrew. Storing up. IRMINON.--Greek. Supporting. ASTUREL.--Hebrew. Bearing authority, NUTHON.--Perhaps Coptic, Godlike; or Greek, piercing. LOMIOL.--Perhaps Hebrew. Binding, Bitter. IMINK.--Perhaps Coptic. Devouring. PLIROK.--Perhaps Coptic. Burning up. TAGNON.--Perhaps Greek. Heating. PARMATUS.--Greek and Latin. Shield-bearing. IARESIN.--Hebrew. Possessing. GORILON.--Coptic. Axe; Cleaving either to, or asunder; Bones. LIRION.--Greek. A lily. PLEGIT.--Perhaps Greek. Smiting, Smitten. OGILEN.--Hebrew. Round, Wheel. p. 114 TARADOS.-- Perhaps Coptic. Dispersion. LOSIMON.--Perhaps Coptic. Understanding of restriction. RAGARAS.--Perhaps Coptic. To incline, or bow the head, IGILON.--Perhaps Greek. After the fashion of EIKELOS. GOSEGAS.-- Probably Hebrew and Chaldaic. Shaking strongly. ASTREGA.--Perhaps Coptic. Expeditious. PARUSUR.--Perhaps Greek. Present to assist. IGIS.--Perhaps from Greek HIKO, root of HIKNEOMAI. Coming. AHEROM.--Hebrew. Separation, from ChRM. IGARAK.--Perhaps Celtic, from CARAC. Terrible. GELOMA.--Hebrew, GLM, and Latin, GLOMUS, Wrapped, or wound together. KILIK.--Hebrew. Wrinkled with age. REMORON.--Latin. Hindering, staying. EKALIKE.--Perhaps Greek. At rest, or quiet. ISEKEL.--Hebrew. Anointing, or Anointed. ELZEGAN.--Perhaps Hebrew = Turning aside. IPAKOL.--Hebrew. Breathing forth. HARIL.--Hebrew. Thorny. KADOLON.--Perhaps Greek. A small vase, or urn. IOGION.--Perhaps Greek. Noise of battle. ZARAGIL.--Perhaps Hebrew. Scattering. IRRORON.--Latin. Sprinkling with dew. ILAGAS.--Greek. Obtaining; having obtained. BALALOS.--Perhaps Greek, from BALLO, to throw. OROIA.--Probably Greek. Returning in due season. LAGASUF.--Perhaps Hebrew. In paleness, pining away. ALAGAS.--Perhaps Greek. Wandering. ALPAS.--Probably Greek. Yielding. SOTERION.--Greek. Saving, Delivering. ROMAGES.--Perhaps Hebrew. To throw and to touch. PROMAKOS.--Greek. A fighter in the front of a conflict. METAFEL.--Hebrew. To fasten. DARASCON.--Perhaps Celtic. Turbulent. KELEN.--Greek. Going swiftly, as in a race. ERENUTES.--Perhaps Greek. Receiving. NAJIN.--Hebrew. Propagating. TULOT.--Chaldaic. Triple. PLATIEN.--Greek. Flat, broad. ATLOTON.--Greek. Insufferable. AFARORP.--Perhaps Hebrew. Breaking, rending. MORILEN.--Perhaps Greek. Foolish speaking. RAMARATZ.-- Hebrew. Raised ground, or earth. NOGEN.--Hebrew. To strike a musical instrument. MOLIN.--Hebrew. Abiding in a place. p. 115 THE SERVITORS OF ASHTAROTH AND ASMODEUS. AMANIEL.--Hebrew. Nourishment of God. 1 ORINEL.--Hebrew. Ornament of God; also Tree of God; also Elm Tree. TIMIRA.--Hebrew. Palm. DRAMAS.--Greek. Action. AMALIN.--Chaldaic. Languidness. KIRIK.--Hebrew. A Stole, or Mantle. BUBANA.--Perhaps Hebrew. Emptiness. BUK.--Hebrew. Perplexity. RANER.--Perhaps Hebrew, Singing; or Greek, Watering. SEMLIN.--Hebrew. Simulacra; Appearances. AMBOLIN.--Perhaps Hebrew. Tending unto nothingness. ABUTES.--Perhaps Greek. Bottomless, Measureless. EXTERON.--Latin. Without, Foreign, Distant. LABOUX.--Perhaps Latin, and conveying the sense of "Laborious". CORCARON.--Perhaps Greek. Tumultuous, noisy. ETHAN.--Hebrew. An Ass. TARET.--Perhaps Hebrew. Dampness, tending to corruption. TABLAT.--Perhaps Hebrew. Immersions. BURIUL.--Hebrew. In terror and trembling. OMAN.--Perhaps Chaldaic. To cover, or obscure. CARASCH.--Hebrew. Voracity. DIMURGOS.--Greek. A fabricator, Artisan, or Workman. ROGGIOL.--Perhaps Hebrew. To drag down; the feet. LORIOL.--Perhaps Hebrew. Unto horror. ISIGI.--Perhaps from Hebrew, and implying "Error," or "to err". DIORON.--Greek. Delay. DAROKIN.--Probably Chaldaic. Paths or Ways. HORANAR.--?? ABAHIN.--Perhaps Hebrew, and signifying "terrible". GOLEG.--Probably Hebrew. Whirling. GUAGAMON.--G reek. A net. LAGINX.--?? ETALIZ.--Hebrew. The furrow of a plough. Hence agriculture. AGEI.--Probably Hebrew. Meditation. LEMEL.--Perhaps Hebrew. For speech--?. UDAMAN.--Perhaps a corruption of Greek, EUDAIMON, Fortunate. p. 116 BIALOT.--Perhaps Hebrew. Absorption. GAGALOS. 1--Perhaps Greek. A tumour. RAGALIM.--Hebrew. Feet. FINAXOS.--Perhaps Greek. Worthy in appearance--?. AKANEF.--Hebrew. A Wing. OMAGES.--Greek--? for HO MAGOS, = the Magician. AGRAX.--Perhaps Hebrew. Bone. SAGARES.--Greek. A double-headed battle-axe, especially that used by the Amazons. AFRAY.--Perhaps Hebrew. Dust. UGALES.--Probably Greek. Calm. HERMIALA.--?? Perhaps traceable to Celtic roots. HALIGAX.--?? Perhaps traceable to Celtic roots. GUGONIX.--?? Perhaps traceable to Celtic roots. OPILM.--Hebrew. Citadels; eminences. DAGULER.--?? PACHEI.--Probably Greek. Thick, coarse. NIMALON.--Perhaps from Hebrew, relating to "circumcision". THE SERVITORS OF AMAIMON AND ARITON. HAUGES.--Apparently from the Greek "AUGE". Brilliance. AGIBOL.--Hebrew. Forcible Love. RIGOLEN.--Perhaps from Hebrew, = to drag down. The same root also is that of the word "Regel," = "foot". GRASEMIN.--Perhaps from Hebrew, GRS, = a bone. ELAFON.--Probably from the Greek ELAPHOS, = a stag. TRISAGA.--Greek. Directing by Triads. GAGALIN.--Perhaps Greek. Tumour, Swelling, Ganglion. CLERACA.--Perhaps from Greek and Latin, "KLERIKOS," and "CLERICUS," = clerical. ELATON.--Probably Latin. Sublime; borne away. PAFESLA.--Perhaps from Hebrew--? a sculptured Image. THE SERVITORS OF ASMODEUS AND MAGOTH. TOUN.--Perhaps from Hebrew. ThNH, = Hire, Price. MAGOG.--Hebrew. The well-known Biblical name for a powerful Gentile nation. DIOPOS.--Greek. An overseer. DISOLEL.--?? BIRIEL.--Hebrew. Stronghold of God. SIFON.--Greek. A Siphon or Tube for raising fluids. or Hebrew. To cover over. p. 117 KELE.--Hebrew. To consume. MAGIROS.--Greek. A cook. SARTABAKIM.--?? SRTN in Hebrew = the Sign Cancer. LUNDO.--?? SOBE.--Greek. The tail of a horse; also a fly-flap. INOKOS.--Perhaps from Latin, "INOCCO," = to rake the earth over the newly sown seed. MABAKIEL.--Hebrew. Weeping, Lamentation. APOT.--Hebrew = A Treasure; a Tribute. OPUN.--Perhaps from Hebrew. A Wheel. THE SERVITORS OF ASHTAROTH. AMAN.--Hebrew. To nourish. CAMAL.--Hebrew. To desire God; the name of one of the Archangels in the Qabalah. TOXAI.--From Greek, TOXEIA, = Archery; or Latin, TOXICUM, Poison. KATARON.--Greek. Casting down. RAX.--Greek. A grape-seed. GONOGIN.--Hebrew. Pleasures, Delights. SCHELAGON.--Hebrew. Like Snow. GINAR.--?? Perhaps Chaldaic--? To perfect, or finish. ISIAMON.--Hebrew = Solitude, Desolation. BAHAL.--Hebrew = To disturb. DAREK.--Hebrew = a way, or path. ISCHIGAS.--Perhaps from Hebrew, IShO, = To save, or aid. GOLEN.--Greek. A cavern. GROMENIS.--Perhaps Latin or Greek--? to mark out. RIGIOS.--Greek. Horrible, Terrible. NIMERIX.--?? Perhaps Celtic. HERG.--Hebrew. To slay. ARGILON.--Greek. Clay. OKIRI.--Perhaps Greek--? To cause to sink or fail. FAGANI.--Perhaps Greek--? Devourers. HIPOLOS.--Greek. A Goat herd. ILESON.--Greek. Enveloping. CAMONIX.--? Greek--? Perseverance in combat. BAFAMAL.--?? ALAN.--Chaldaic. A Tree. APORMENOS.--Greek. Uncertain. OMBALAT.--?? QUARTAS.--Latin. Fourth. UGIRPEN.--?? ARAEX.--? Greek.? Shock. LEPACA.--Hebrew. For opening or disclosing. KOLOFE.--Greek. Summit, or height of achievement. p. 118 THE SERVITORS OF MAGOTH AND KORE. NACHERAN.--Probably Hebrew. Nostrils. KATOLIN.--Hebrew. Walls. LUESAF.--Perhaps Hebrew. Unto Loss or Destruction. MASAUB.--Hebrew. Circuit. URIGO.--Latin. Spoiled; unfit for food. FATURAB.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Interpretation. FERSEBUS.--Perhaps Greek--? A bringer of veneration. BARUEL.--Hebrew. Food or nourishment from God. UBARIN.--Greek. Insult, Outrage. BUTARAB.--?? ISCHIRON.--Greek. Strong, Mighty. ODAX.--Greek. Biting. ROLER.--?? AROTOR.--Greek and Latin. A ploughman or husbandman. HEMIS.--Greek. Half, half-way. ARPIRON.--Perhaps Greek--? Attempting straightway. ARRABIN.--Greek. Pledge, caution money. SUPIPAS.--Perhaps Greek--? relating to swine. FORTESON.--Greek. Burdened. DULID.--?? SORRIOLENEN.--?? MEGALAK.--Hebrew. Cutting off. ANAGOTOS.--Perhaps Greek--? Conducting. SIKASTIN.--?? PETUNOF.--Coptic. Exciting. MANTAN.--Hebrew. A gift. MEKLBOC.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Like a dog. TIGRAFON.--Perhaps Greek--? Capable of writing any matter. TAGORA.--Coptic. Assembly. DEBAM.--Perhaps Hebrew. Strength. TIRAIM.--Hebrew. Filling up. IRIX.--Greek. A hawk or falcon. MADAIL.--Perhaps Hebrew. Drawing out from, consuming. ABAGIRON.--Perhaps Greek--? Gathering together. PANDOLI.--Greek. Altogether a slave; or perhaps from Greek and Latin-Possessing all wiles. NENISEM.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Wavings, Displayings. COBEL.--Hebrew. A Chain. SOBEL.--Hebrew. A Burden. LABONETON.--Perhaps from Greek, LAMBANO, = to grasp, or seize. ARIOTH.--Hebrew. Lioness. MARAG.--Hebrew. To drive forward. KAMUSIL.--Hebrew. Like a rising or elevation. p. 119 KAITAR.--Perhaps from Hebrew, KThR, = a crown or summit. SCHARAK.--Hebrew. To wind or twine about. MAISADUL.--?? AGILAS.--Perhaps Greek--? Sullen. KOLAM.--Hebrew. Shame; to be ashamed. KILIGIL.--?? CORODON.--Perhaps Greek--? a lark. HEPOGON.--Perhaps Greek--? a saddle-cloth. DAGLAS.--?? HAGION.--Greek. Sacred. EGAKIREH.--?? PARAMOR.--Perhaps the same as the modern word Paramour: a Lover. OLISERMON.--Perhaps Greek and Latin--? Of short speech. RIMOG.--Perhaps from Hebrew, RMK, = a Mare. HORMINOS.--Greek. A stirrer up. HAGOG.--Hebrew. The name of Gog with the definite prefix "Ha". MIMOSA.--Perhaps Greek. Meaning Imitator. "Mimosa" is also the name of a Shrub. AMCHISON.--?? ILARAX.--Perhaps Greek--? Cheerful; gay. MAKALOS.--Perhaps Chaldaic--? Attenuated, Wasted. LOCATER.--?? COLVAM.--Perhaps from a Hebrew root, signifying "shame". BATTERNIS.--?? Perhaps derived from Greek, BATTARIZO,= to use vain repetitions, to babble. THE SERVITORS OF ASMODEUS. ONEI.--Greek, ONE. Purchase; buying. ORATION.--Perhaps Greek--? Moored, fastened securely. PRECHES.--Perhaps Greek, from PRETHO, to swell out MAGGID.--Hebrew. Precious things. SCLAVAK.--Perhaps from Coptic, SzLAK, Torture, Pain. MEBBESSER.--Either from Hebrew, BShR, flesh, or Chaldee, BSR, = to reject. BACARON.--Hebrew. Firstborn. HOLBA.--Hebrew. Fatness. HIFARION.--Greek. A Pony or little horse. GILARION.--?? ENIURI.--Perhaps Greek. Found in. ABADIR.--Hebrew. Scattered. SBARIONAT.--Perhaps Coptic--? a little friend. UTIFA.--?? OMET.--Hebrew. A neighbour. SARRA.--Coptic. To strike. p. 120 THE SERVITORS OF BEELZEBUB. ALCANOR.--Probably Hebrew and Arabic--? a harp. AMATIA.--Greek. Ignorance. BILIFARES.--Hebrew. Lord of Division. LAMARION.--?? DIRALISEN.--Greek. The ridge of a rock. LICANEN.--Perhaps from Greek, LIKNON, = a winnowing fan. DIMIRAG.--Chaldaic. Impulsion, Driving forward. ELPONEN.--Perhaps Greek--? Force of hope. ERGAMEN.--Greek. Busy. GOTIFAN.--Probably Hebrew, expressing the idea of crushing, and turning over. NIMORUP.--?? CARELENA.--Perhaps Greek, from KAR, = Hair, and LAMBANO, = to seize. LAMALON.--Perhaps Hebrew. Declining, turning aside. IGURIM.--Hebrew., Fears. AKIUM.--Hebrew. Sure. DORAK.--Hebrew. Proceeding, Walking forward. TACHAN.--Hebrew. Grinding to powder. IKONOK.--Greek. Phantasmal. KEMAL.--Hebrew. Desire of God. BILICO.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Lord of manifestation. TROMES.--Greek. Wound or disaster. BALFORI.--Hebrew. Lord of producing. AROLEN.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Strongly agitated. LIROCHI.-- Hebrew. In tenderness. NOMINON.--Greek. Conventional. IAMAI.--Hebrew--? Days, periods. AROGOR.--Probably Greek--? a helper. HOLASTRI.--Perhaps from Coptic, HOLSz, = to surround. HACAMULI.--Hebrew. Withering, fading. SAMALO.--Probably Hebrew. His image. PLISON.--Perhaps Greek, from PLEO, to swim. RADERAF.--Perhaps Greek--? a rose-bearer. BOROL.--Probably from Hebrew, BVR, = a pit, to bury. SOROSMA.--Perhaps Greek. A funeral urn. CORILON.--?? GRAMON.--Greek, from GRAMMA, = Writing. MAGALAST.--Greek. Greatly, hugely. ZAGALO.--Perhaps Greek, from ZAGKLON, = a reaping-hook. PELLIPIS.--Perhaps Greek--? Oppressing. NATALIS.--Latin. A birthday, nativity, natal. NAMIROS.--Perhaps Coptico-Greek--? Naval, Nautical. ADIRAEL.--Hebrew. Magnificence of God. p. 121 KABADA.--Hebrew. Dulness, heaviness. KIPOKIS.--Hebrew. Like Overflowing. ORGOSIL.--Hebrew. Tumultuous. ARCON.--Greek. A Ruler. AMBOLON.--Greek. Earth thrown up, or fresh turned. LAMOLON.--Hebrew. With detestation. BILIFOR.--Perhaps Hebrew--? Lord of Glory. THE SERVITORS OF ORIENS. SARISEL.--Hebrew. Minister of God. GASARONS.--?? SOROSMA 1. TURITEL.--Hebrew. Mountain cast down. BALAKEN.--Chaldaic. Ravagers. GAGISON.--Hebrew. Spread out flat. MAFALAC.--Hebrew. A fragment. AGAB.--Hebrew. Beloved. THE SERVITORS OF PAYMON. AGLAFOS.--Greek. Bright light. AGAFALI.--Perhaps from Greek, AGE, reverence. DISON.--Greek. Divided. ACHANIEL.--Hebrew. Truth of God. SUDORON.--Greek. Probably a false gift. KABERSA.--Hebrew. Wide measure. EBARON.--Greek. Not burdensome. ZALANES.--Greek. Trouble-bringer. UGOLA.--? Greek. Perhaps = Fluent in speech. CAME.--Greek. Tired. ROFFLES.--Hebrew. The Lion trembling. MENOLIK.--Perhaps Greek--? Winnowing with fury. TACAROS.--Greek. Soft or tender. ASTOLIT.--Probably Greek--? Without Garment. RUKUM.--Hebrew. Diversified. THE SERVITORS OF ARITON. ANADER.--Greek. A flayer. EKOROK.--Hebrew. Thy breaking, Thy barrenness. SIBOLAS.--Hebrew. A rushing Lion. SARIS.--Greek. A pike or spear. SEKABIN.--Chaldee. Casters down. CAROMOS.--Perhaps from Greek, CHARMA, = joy. ROSARAN.--? Hebrew--? Evil and wicked. p. 122 SAPASON.--Perhaps from Greek, SEPO, to putrefy. NOTISER.--Perhaps Greek, = Putter to flight. FLAXON.--Greek. About to rend, or to be rent asunder. HAROMBRUB.--Hebrew. Exalted in greatness. MEGALOSIN.--Greek. In great things. MILIOM.--Hebrew. The ender or destroyer of day. ILEMLIS.--Hebrew. The silent Lion. GALAK.--Greek. Milky. ANDROCOS.--Perhaps Greek--? Arranger or orderer of men. MARANTON.--Greek. Quenched, having extinguished. CARON.--Greek. The name of Charon, the ferryman of the souls of the dead in Hades. REGINON.--Hebrew. Vigorous ones. ELERION.--Perhaps Greek. A Laugher or Mocker. SERMEOT.--Hebrew. Death of the flesh. IRMENOS.--Perhaps from Greek, HERMENEUS, = an Expounder. THE SERVITORS OF AMAYMON. ROMERAC.--Hebrew. Violent thunder. RAMISON.--Hebrew. The movers with a particular creeping motion. SCRILIS.--Probably Latin, from Sacrilegium, = a sacrilegious offence. BURIOL.--Hebrew. Devouring fire of God. TARALIM.--Hebrew. Mighty strongholds. BURASEN.--Hebrew. Destroyers by stifling smoky breath. AKESOLI.--Greek--? the distressful, or pain-bringing ones. EREKIA.--Greek probably. One who tears asunder. ILLIRIKIM.--Hebrew. They who shriek with a long drawn cry. LABISI.--Hebrew. The flesh inclothed. AKOROS.--Greek. Overthrowers of authority. MAMES.--Hebrew. They who move by backward motion. GLESI.--Hebrew. One who glistens horribly, like an insect. VISION.--Latin. An apparition. EFFRIGIS.--Greek. One who quivers in a horrible manner. APELKI.--Greek. The misleaders or turners aside. DALEP.--Hebrew. Decaying in liquid putrefaction. DRESOP.--Hebrew. They who attack their prey by tremulous motion. HERGOTIS.--Greek. A labourer. NILIMA.--Hebrew. The evil questioners. and also it is more advisable to follow good counsel and example, than to be obstinate and follow one's own caprice; and also to treat the election of a particular day as a Pagan idea, paying no regard whatever either to Time nor to the Elements; but only (having respect) unto Him Who granteth such a period. Thus then will we be found men in the fittest condition of Grace and reconciled with God, and purer than at another period; and this being an essential point ye ought well to consider the same. It is, however, quite true that the Elements and the Constellations do perform of themselves certain operations 1 but this is to be understood of natural things, as it happeneth that one day is different unto another; but such a difference hath not operation in things Spiritual and Supernatural, being thus useless for (higher) Magical Operations. WHAT AND HOW MANY BE THE FORMS OF VERITABLE MAGIC. WHOS O should wish to recount all the Arts and Operations which in our times be reputed and preached abroad as Wisdom and Magical Secrets; he should as well undertake to count the waves and the sands of the Sea; seeing that the matter hath come to such a pass that every trick of a buffoon is believed to be Magic, that all the abominations of impious Enchanters, all Diabolical Illusions, all Pagan Idolatries, all Superstitions, Fascinations, Diabolical Pacts, and lastly all that the gross blindness of the World can touch with its hands and feet is reckoned as Wisdom and Magic! The Physician, the Astrologer, the Enchanter, the Sorceress, the Idolater, and the Sacrilegious, is called of the common People a Magician! Also he who draweth his Magic whether from the Sun, whether from the Moon, whether from the Evil Spirits, whether from Stones, Herbs, Animals, Brutes, or lastly from thousand divers sources, so that the Heaven itself is astonished thereat. There be certain who draw their Magic from Air, from Earth, from Fire, from Water, from Physiognomy, from the Hand, from Mirrors, from Glasses, from Birds, from Bread, from Wine, and even from the very excrements themselves; and yet, however, all this is reputed as Science! I exhort you, ye who read, to have the Fear of God, and to study Justice, because infallibly unto you shall be opened the Gate of the True Wisdom which God gave unto NOAH and unto his descendants JAPHET, ABRAHAM, and ISHMAEL; and it was His Wisdom that delivered LOT p. 51 from the burning of Sodom. MOSES learned the same Wisdom in the desert, from the Burning Bush, and he taught it unto AARON his brother. JOSEPH, SAMUEL, DAVID, SOLOMON, ELIJAH, and the Apostles, and Saint JOHN particularly (from whom we hold a most excellent book of Prophecy 1) possessed it. Let every one then know that this, this which I teach, is that same Wisdom and Magic, and which is in this same Book, and independent of any other Science, or Wisdom, or Magic, soever. It is, however, certainly true that these miraculous operations have much in common with the Qabalah; it is also true that there be other Arts which have some stamp of Wisdom; the which alone would be nothing worth were they not mingled with the foundation of the Sacred Ministry, whence later arose the Mixed Qabalah. The Arts are principally twelve. Four in number, 3, 5, 7, 9, among the numbers in the Mixed Qabalah. The second is the most perfect one, the which operateth by Sign and Visions. Two of the even numbers, namely 6 and 2, which operate with the Stars and the Celestial Courses which we call Astronomy. Three consisteth in the Metals, and 2 in the Planets. 2 As to all p. 52 these Arts, the which be conjoined and mingled together with the Sacred Qabalah; both he who maketh use of these same, either alone, or mingled with other things which be in no way from the Qabalah; and he who seeketh to exercise himself in performing operations with these Arts; is alike liable to be deceived by the DEMON; seeing that of themselves they possess no other virtue than a natural property; and they can produce no other thing than probable 1 effects, and they have absolutely no power in spiritual and supernatural things; but if, however, on certain occasions they 2 cause you to behold any extraordinary effect, such is only produced by impious and diabolical Pacts and Conjurations, the which form of Science ought to be called Sorcery. Finally, let us conclude that from the Divine Mystery are derived these three kinds of Qabalah, viz.: the Mixed Qabalah, and the True Wisdom, and the (True) Magic. We will, therefore, show forth this last, and the manner of becoming its possessors in the Name of God and of His Celestial Court! Footnotes 51:1 I.e., the Revelation, or Apocalypse. 51:2 This whole passage about the signification of these numbers is very obscurely worded in the original. I take the meaning to be the following: The Arts or methods of Magical working are twelve, if we class them under the twelve Signs of the Zodiac. The second number mentioned above, 5, is perfect because of its analogy with the Pentagram that potent Symbol of the Spirit and the Four Elements; 6 is the number of the Planets (as known to the Ancients, without the recently discovered Herschel and Neptune). As the Chaldean Oracles of Zoroaster say: "He made them Six, and for the Seventh, He cast into the midst thereof the Fire of the Sun". 2 operates in the Stars and Planets as representing their Good or Evil influence in the Heavens, in other words their dual nature. 3 consists in the Metals because, the ancient Alchemists considered their bases to be found in the three principles which they called Sulphur, Mercury, and Salt; but by which they did not mean the substance which we know under these names

Who also penetrateth the inmost recesses of the heart. But having taken a true, firm, and determined resolution, relying upon the Will of the Lord, ye shall arrive at your desired end, and shall encounter no difficulty. Often also man is changeable, and while beginning a thing well, finisheth it badly, being in no way firm and stable in resolution. Ponder the matter then well before commencing, and only begin this Operation with the firm intention of carrying it out unto the end, for no man can make a mock of the Lord with impunity.
Furthermore it is likewise necessary to think and consider whether your goods and revenue be sufficient for this matter; and, further, whether if your quality or estate be subject unto others, ye may have time and convenience to undertake it; also whether wife or children may hinder you herein; these being all matters worthy of observation, so as not to commence the matter blindly.
The chief thing that ye should consider is whether ye be in good health, because the body being feeble and unhealthy, it is subject to divers infirmities, whence at length result impatience and want of power to operate and pursue the Operation; and a sick man can neither be clean and pure, nor enjoy solitude; and in such a case it is better to cease.
Consider then the safety of your person, commencing this Operation in a place of safety, whence neither enemies nor any disgrace can drive you out before the end because ye must finish where ye begin.
But the first part of this chapter is the most important, and see that ye keep well in mind the necessity of observing the same, because as regardeth the other disadvantages, they may perhaps be remedied. And be ye sure that God doth aid all those who put their confidence in Him and in His Wisdom, and such as wish to live rightly, making use with honour of the deceitful world,
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which ye shall hold in abomination, and see that ye make no account of ts opinion when ye shall be arrived at the perfection of the work, and that ye shall be possessors of this Sacred Magic.
the Books which treat of Characters, Extravagant Figures, Circles, Convocations, Conjurations, Invocations, and other like matters, even although any one may see some effect thereby, should be rejected, being works full of Diabolical Inventions; 1 and ye should know that the DEMON maketh use of an infinitude of methods to entrap and deceive mankind. This I have myself proved, because when I have operated with the Veritable Wisdom, all the other enchantments which I had learned have ceased, and I could no longer operate with them, and I made a very careful trial of those which I had learned with the RABBIN MOSES; the cause of which is that the deceit and fraud of the DEMON can never appear where the Divine Wisdom is. Furthermore, the most certain mark of their falsity is the election of certain days; since there be those which God hath expressly commanded to sanctify, we can freely operate

p. 57
on all other days, and at all times. And whenever ye shall see tables which do mark the days and their differences, the Celestial Signs, and other like matters, 1 pay no attention thereto, because herein is a very great sin 2 hidden, and a deceit of the DEMON; it being one of his many methods of endeavouring to confound the True Wisdom of the Lord with evil matters. Because this True Wisdom of the Lord can operate and perform its effects every day, and at any moment and second. The Gates of His Grace are daily open, He wisheth, and it is pleasing unto Him to aid us, as well on this day as on the morrow; and in no way could it be true that He desireth to be subjected to the day and hour which men would wish to prescribe for Him; seeing that He is the Master to elect such days as He Himself wisheth, and also may they be sanctified! Flee also all such Books

p. 58
as those whose Conjurations include extravagant, inexplicable, and unheard-of words, 1 and which be impossible to understand, and which be truly the inventions of the Devil and of wicked men.
It is well also to recall that which I have said in the First Book, viz., that in the greater part of their Conjurations there was not the slightest mention made of God Almighty, but only of Invocations of the Devil, together with very obscure Chaldean words. Surely it would be a rash thing of a man who should deal with God by the intermediary of His Holy Angels, to think that he ought to address Him in a jargon, neither knowing what he saith nor what he demandeth. Is it not an act of madness to wish to offend God and His Holy Angels! Let us then walk in the right way, let us speak before God with heart and mouth alike opened, in our own maternal language 2 since how can ye pretend to obtain any Grace from the Lord, if ye yourselves know not what ye ask? Yet, however, the number of those who lose themselves utterly in this vanity is infinite; many say that the Grecian language is more agreeable unto God, it may be true that it was perhaps at one time, but how many among us to-day understand it perfectly, this is the reason why it would be the most senseless thing to employ it.

p. 59
I repeat then:--Let each one speak his own language, because thus understanding what it is that ye are demanding of the Lord, ye will obtain all Grace. And if ye demand a thing which is unjust, it will be refused unto you, and ye will never obtain it.


56:1 It is necessary that the reader should not misunderstand this passage. What are meant are those Black Magic works containing garbled and perverted words and characters; and which teach nothing but hurtful and selfish practices; the great point in which is generally the forming of a Pact with an Evil Spirit. Because true Characters represent the Formulas of the Currents of the Hidden Forces of Nature and true Ceremonies are the Keys of bringing the same into action.
57:1 It seems again to me here that Abraham the Jew stretches the matter too far. it is perfectly and utterly true without doubt that Angelic Magic is higher than that form of Talismanic Magic which has its basis in the Astrological positions of the Heavenly Bodies; and can therefore do more, and be also independent of Astrological considerations, because the matter is relegated to a higher plane than this, and one wherein the laws of Physical Nature do not obtain. But certainly when working with the rays of the Sun, we shall more easily find his occult force of heat attainable when he himself is producing that effect upon the earth, i.e., when he is in the Sign of the Lion; while when he is in that of the Bull, his force will be rather that of Germination, etc., when in the Northern Hemisphere. And the same with the other Planets. Also if working by the Indian Tatwas, we shall find it necessary to consider the position of the Moon, the time in the day, and the course of the Tatwa in the period of five Gharis. Of course Abraham could not make the experiments of Rabbin Moses succeed if he substituted the laws of another plane for their own.
57:2 So it would be if he applied it to the Angelic working; but equally it would be an error which, though not so great, would still entail failure, to apply laws exclusively of the Angelic plane to those experiments which would mainly depend on the physical rays of the Planets; though undoubtedly the Angels of a Planet govern its rays. But the Angels of Mars do not govern the rays of Jupiter, nor those of the latter the rays of Mars.
58:1 The Grimoires of Black Magic would usually come under this head. But, nevertheless, the extravagant words therein will be usually found to be corruptions and perversions of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Egyptian titles of Gods and Angels. But it is undoubtedly evil to use caricatures of Holy Names; and these for evil purposes also. Yet it is written in the Oracles of Zoroaster: "Change not barbarous Names of Evocation, for they are Names Divine, having in the Sacred Rites a Power Ineffable!"
58:2 Yet, notwithstanding, it is well in a Sacred Magical Operation to employ a language which does not to our minds convey so much the commonplace ideas of everyday life, so as the better to exalt our thoughts. But, as Abraham says, we should before all things understand what we are repeating.


ASTAROT and ASMODEE do together execute the Symbols and Operations of:--
Chapter VI. (To cause Mines to be pointed out, and to help forward all kinds of work connected therewith.)
Chapter VII. (To cause the Spirits to perform with facility and promptitude all necessary Chemical labours and operations, as regardeth Metals especially.)
Chapter IX. (To transform Animals into Men, and Men into Animals, etc.)

ASMODEE and MAGOT together do execute the Operations of:--
Chapter XV. (For the Spirits to bring us anything we may wish to eat or to drink, and even all (kinds of food) that we can imagine.)
ASTAROT and ARITON both do execute the following

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Chapter by their Ministers, yet not together', but each separately:--
Chapter XVI. (To find and take possession of all kinds of Treasures, provided that they be not at all magically guarded.)

ORIENS, PAIMON, ARITON, and AMAIMON will execute by means of the Ministering Spirits common unto them, the following, namely:--
Chapter I. (To know all manner of things Past and Future, which be not however directly opposed to God, and to His Most Holy Will.)
Chapter II. (To obtain information concerning, and to be enlightened upon all sorts of Propositions, and all doubtful Sciences.)
Chapter III. (To cause any Spirit to appear, and take any form, such as of Man, Animal, Bird, etc.)
Chapter IV. (For divers Visions.)
Chapters V. (How we may retain the Familiar Spirits bond or free, in whatsoever form.)
Chapter XIII. (To cause a Dead Body to revive, and perform all the functions which a Living Person would do, and this during a space of Seven Years, by means of the Spirits.)
Chapter XVII. (To fly in the Air, and travel any whither.)
Chapter XXVII. (To cause Visions to appear.)
Chapter XXIX. (To cause Armed Men to appear.)

AMAIMON and ARITON together perform:--
Chapter XXVI. (To open every kind of Lock without Key, and without making any noise.)

ORIENS alone performeth:--
Chapter XXVIII. (To have as much Gold and Silver as one may wish, both to provide for one's necessities, and to live in Opulence.)
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PAIMON (alone) performeth:--
Chapter XXIX. (To cause Armed Men to appear.) (It is to be noted that this chapter has already been classed under those performed by Oriens, Paimon, Ariton, and Amaimon, together.)

ARITON performeth:--
Chapter XXIV. (To discover any Theft that hath occurred.)

AMAIMON (performeth):--
Chapter XVIII. (To heal divers Maladies.)

ASTAROT (performeth):--
Chapter VIII. (To excite Tempests.)
Chapter XXIII. (To demolish Buildings and Strongholds.)

MAGOT (performeth):-- 1
Chapter X. (To hinder any Necromantic or Magical Operations from taking effect, except those of the Qabalah, or of this Sacred Magic.)
Chapter XI. (To cause all kinds of Books to be brought to one, and whether lost or stolen.)
Chapter XXI. (To transform oneself, and take different Faces and Forms.)
Chapter XXIV. (To discover any Theft that hath occurred.)
Chapter XXX. (To cause Comedies, Operas, and every kind of Music and Dances to appear.)

ASMODEE (performeth):--
Chapter XII. (To know the Secrets of any person.)

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BELZEBUD (performeth):--
Chapter IX. (To transform Animals into Men, and Men into Animals, etc.)
Chapter XX. (To excite every description of Hatred and Enmity, Discords, Quarrels, Contentions, Combats, Battles, Loss, and Damage.)
Chapter XXII. (This Chapter is only for Evil, for with the Symbols herein we can cast Spells, and work every kind of Evil; we should not avail ourselves hereof.)

The Operations of the following Chapters can also (to a great extent) be administered by the Familiar Spirits, namely:--
Chapter II. (Scientific Information.)
Chapter IV. (Visions.)
Chapter XII. (Secrets of other persons.)
Chapter XVIII. (Healing of Maladies.)
Chapter XIX. (Affection and Love.)
Chapter XXIII. (Demolishing Buildings.)
Chapter XXIV. (Discovery of Theft.
Chapter XXVII. (Causing Visions to appear.)
Chapter XXVIII. (Obtaining Money.)
Chapter XXX. (Visions of Operas, Comedies, etc.)
If at the beginning they excuse themselves from the performance, there is probably some hindering cause, and in this case you should make use of other Spirits; but otherwise they must obey you in and throughout everything that you shall command them.

Captain Edgar Lightfoot of CIA said, "Darn it, the Fnools are back again, Major. They've taken over Provo, Utah." With a groan, Major Hauk signaled his secretary to bring him the Fnool dossier from the locked archives. "What form are they assuming this time?" he asked briskly. "Tiny real-estate salesmen," Lightfoot said. Last time, Major Hauk reflected, it had been filling station attendants. That was the thing about the Fnools. When one took a particular shape they all took that shape. Of course, it made detection for CIA fieldmen much easier. But it did make the Fnools look absurd, and Hauk did not enjoy fighting an absurd enemy; it was a quality which tended to diffuse over both sides and even up to his own office. "Do you think they'd come to terms?" Hauk said, half-rhetorically. "We could afford to sacrifice Provo, Utah, if they'd be willing to circumscribe themselves there. We could even add those portions of Salt Lake City which are paved with hideous old red brick." Lightfoot said, "Fnools never compromise, Major. Their goal is Sol System domination. For all time." Leaning over Major Hauk's shoulder, Miss Smith said, "Here is the Fnool dossier, sir." With her free hand she pressed the top of her blouse against herself in a gesture indicating either advanced tuberculosis or advanced modesty. There were certain indications that it was the latter. "Miss Smith," Major Hauk complained, "here are the Fnools trying to take over the Sol System and I'm handed their dossier by a woman with a forty-two inch bosom. Isn't that a trifle schizophrenic -- for me, at least?" He carefully averted his eyes from her, remembering his wife and the two children. "Wear something else from here on out," he told her. "Or swaddle yourself. I mean, my God, let's be reasonable: let's be realistic." "Yes, Major," Miss Smith said. "But remember, I was selected at random from the CIA employees pool. I didn't ask to be your secretary." With Captain Lightfoot beside him, Major Hauk laid out the documents that made up the Fnool dossier. In the Smithsonian there was a huge Fnool, standing three feet high, stuffed and preserved in a natural habitat-type cubicle. School children for years had marveled at this Fnool, which was shown with pistol aimed at Terran innocents. By pressing a button, the school children caused the Terrans (not stuffed but imitation) to flee, whereupon the Fnool extinguished them with its advanced solar-powered weapon. . . and the exhibit reverted to its original stately scene, ready to begin all over again. Major Hauk had seen the exhibit, and it made him uneasy. The Fnools, he had declared time and time again, were no joke. But there was something about a Fnool that -- well, a Fnool was an idiotic life form. That was the basis of it. No matter what it imitated it retained its midget aspect; a Fnool looked like something given away free at supermarket openings, along with balloons and moist purple orchids. No doubt, Major Hauk had ruminated, it was a survival factor. It disarmed the Fnool's opponents. Even the name. It was just not possible to take them seriously, even at this very moment when they were infesting Provo, Utah, in the form of miniature real-estate salesmen. Hauk instructed, "Capture a Fnool in this current guise, Lightfoot, bring it to me and I'll parley. I feel like capitulating, this time. I've been fighting them for twenty years now. I'm worn out."

If you get one face to face with you," Lightfoot cautioned, "it may successfully imitate you and that would be the end. We would have to incinerate both of you, just to be on the safe side."
Gloomily, Hauk said, "I'll set up a key password situation with you right now, Captain. The word is masticate. I'll use it in a sentence. . . for instance, 'I've got to thoroughly masticate these data.' The Fnool won't know that -- correct?"
"Yes, Major," Captain Lightfoot sighed and left the CIA office at once, hurrying to the 'copter field across the street to begin his trip to Provo, Utah. But he had a feeling of foreboding.

When his 'copter landed at the end of Provo Canyon on the outskirts of the town, he was at once approached by a two-foot-high man in a gray business suit carrying a briefcase.
"Good morning, sir," the Fnool piped. "Care to look at some choice lots, all with unobstructed views? Can be subdivided into --"
"Get in the 'copter," Lightfoot said, aiming his Army-issue .45 at the Fnool.
"Listen, my friend," the Fnool said, in a jolly tone of voice. "I can see you've never really given any hardheaded thought to the meaning of our race having landed on your planet. Why don't we step into the office a moment and sit down?" The Fnool indicated a nearby small building in which Lightfoot saw a desk and chairs. Over the office there was a sign:


" 'The early bird catches the worm,' " the Fnool declared. "And the spoils go to the winner, Captain Lightfoot. By nature's laws, if we manage to infest your planet and pre-empt you, we've got all the forces of evolution and biology on our side." The Fnool beamed cheerily.
Lightfoot said, "There's a CIA major back in Washington, D.C. who's on to you."
"Major Hauk has defeated us twice," the Fnool admitted. "We respect him. But he's a voice crying in the wilderness, in this country, at least. You know perfectly well, Captain, that the average American viewing that exhibit at the Smithsonian merely smiles in a tolerant fashion. There's just no awareness of the menace."

By now two other Fnools, also in the form of tiny real-estate salesmen in gray business suits carrying briefcases, had approached. "Look," one said to the other. "Charley's captured a Terran."
"No," its companion disagreed, "the Terran captured him."
"All three of you get in the CIA 'copter," Lightfoot ordered, waving his .45 at them.
"You're making a mistake," the first Fnool said, shaking its head. "But you're a young man; you'll mature in time." It walked to the 'copter. Then, all at once, it spun and cried, "Death to the Terrans!"
Its briefcase whipped up, a bolt of pure solar energy whined past Lightfoot's right ear. Lightfoot dropped to one knee and squeezed the trigger of the .45; the Fnool, in the doorway of the 'copter, pitched head-forward and lay with its briefcase beside it. The other two Fnools watched as Lightfoot cautiously kicked the briefcase away.
"Young," one of the remaining Fnools said, "but with quick reflexes. Did you see the way he dropped on one knee?"
"Terrans are no joke," the other agreed. "We've got an uphill battle ahead of us."
"As long as you're here," the first of the remaining Fnools said to Lightfoot, "why don't you put a small deposit down on some valuable unimproved land we've got a listing for? I'll be glad to run you out to have a look at it. Water and electricity available at a slight additional cost."
"Get in the 'copter," Lightfoot repeated, aiming his gun steadily at them.

In Berlin, an Oberstleutnant of the SHD, the Sicherheitsdienst -- the West German Security Service -- approaching his commanding officer, saluted in what is termed Roman style and said, "General, die Fnoolen sind wieder zuruck. Was sollen wir jetz tun?"
"The Fnools are back?" Hochflieger said, horrified. "Already? But it was only three years ago that we uncovered their network and eradicated them." Jumping to his feet General Hochflieger paced about his cramped temporary office in the basement of the Bundesrat Gebaude, his large hands clasped behind his back. "And what guise this time? Assistant Ministers of Domestic Finance, as before?"
"No sir," the Oberstleutnant said. "They have come as gear inspectors of the VW works. Brown suit, clipboard, thick glasses, middle-aged. Fussy. And, as before, nur six-tenths of a meter high."
"What I detest about the Fnools," Hochflieger said, "is their ruthless use of science in the service of destruction, especially their medical techniques. They almost defeated us with that virus infection suspended in the gum on the backs of multi-color commemorative stamps."
"A desperate weapon," his subordinate agreed, "but rather too fantastic to be successful, ultimately. This time they'll probably rely on crushing force combined with an absolutely synchronized timetable."
"Selbsverstandlich," Hochflieger agreed. "But we've nonetheless got to react and defeat them. Inform Terpol." That was the Terra-wide organization of counterintelligence with headquarters on Luna. "Where, specifically, have they been detected?"
"In Schweinfurt only, so far."
"Perhaps we should obliterate the Schweinfurt area."
"They'll only turn up elsewhere."
"True." Hochflieger brooded. "What we must do is pursue Operation Hundefutter to successful culmination." Hundefutter had developed for the West German Government a sub-species of Terrans six-tenths of a meter high and capable of assuming a variety of forms. They would be used to penetrate the network of Fnool activity and destroy it from within. Hundefutter, financed by the Krupp family, had been held in readiness for just this moment.
"I'll activate Kommando Einsatzgruppe II," his subordinate said. "As counter-Fnools they can begin to drop behind Fnool lines near the Schweinfurt area immediately. By nightfall the situation should be in our hands."
"Gruss Gott," Hochflieger prayed, nodding. "Well, get the kommando started, and we'll keep our ears open to see how it proceeds."
If it failed, he realized, more desperate measures would have to be initiated.
The survival of our race is at stake, Hochflieger said to himself. The next four thousand years of history will be determined by the brave act of a member of the SHD at this hour. Perhaps myself.
He paced about, meditating on that.

In Warsaw the local chief of the People's Protective Agency for Preserving the Democratic Process -- the NNBNDL -- read the coded teletype dispatch several times as he sat at his desk drinking tea and eating a late breakfast of sweet rolls and Polish ham. This time disguised as chess players, Serge Nicov said to himself. And each Fnool making use of the queen's pawn opening, Qp to Q3. . . a weak opening, he reflected, especially against Kp to K4, even if they draw white. But --
Still a potentially dangerous situation
On a piece of official stationery he wrote select out class of chess players employing queen's pawn opening. For Invigorating Forest-renewal Team, he decided. Fnools are small, but they can plant saplings. . . we must get some use out of them. Seeds; they can plant sunflower seeds for our tundra-removal vegetable-oil venture.
A year of hard physical work, he decided, and they'll think twice before they invade Terra again.
On the other hand, we could make a deal with them, offer them an alternative to invigorating forest-renewal activity. They could enter the Army as a special brigade and be used in Chile, in the rugged mountains. Being only sixty-one centimeters high, many of them could be packed into a single nuclear sub for transport. . . but can Fnools be trusted?
The thing he hated most about Fnools -- and he had learned to know them in their previous invasions of Terra -- was their deceitfulness. Last time they had taken the physical form of a troupe of ethnic dancers. . . and what dancers they had turned out to be. They had massacred an audience in Leningrad before anyone could intervene, men, women and children all dead on the spot by weapons of ingenious design and sturdy although monotonous construction which had masqueraded as folk-instruments of a five-stringed variety.
It could never happen again; all Democratic lands were alert, now; special youth groups had been set up to keep vigil. But something new -- such as this chess-player deception -- could succeed as well, especially in small towns in the East republics, where chess players were enthusiastically welcomed.
From a hidden compartment in his desk Serge Nicov brought out the special non-dial phone, picked up the receiver and said into the mouthpiece, "Fnools back, in North Caucasus area. Better get as many tanks as possible lined up to accept their advance as they attempt to spread out. Contain them and then cut directly through their center, bisecting them repeatedly until they're splintered and can be dealt with in small bands."
"Yes, Political Officer Nicov."
Serge Nicov hung up and resumed eating his -- now cold -- late breakfast.

As Captain Lightfoot piloted the 'copter back to Washington, D.C. one of the two captured Fnools said, "How is it that no matter what guise we come in, you Terrans can always detect us? We've appeared on your planet as filling station attendants, Volkswagen gear inspectors, chess champions, folk singers complete with native instruments, minor government officials, and now real-estate salesmen --"
Lightfoot said, "It's your size."
"That concept conveys nothing to us."
"You're only two feet tall!"
The two Fnools conferred, and then the other Fnool patiently explained, "But size is relative. We have all the absolute qualities of Terrans embodied in our temporary forms, and according to obvious logic --"
"Look," Lightfoot said, "stand here next to me." The Fnool, in its gray business suit, carrying its briefcase, came cautiously up to stand beside him. "You just come up to my knee cap," Lightfoot pointed out. "I'm six feet high. You're only one-third as tall as I. In a group of Terrans you Fnools stand out like an egg in a barrel of kosher pickles."
"Is that a folk saying?" the Fnool asked. "I'd better write that down." From its coat pocket it produced a tiny ball point pen no longer than a match. "Egg in barrel of pickles. Quaint. I hope, when we've wiped out your civilization, that some of your ethnic customs will be preserved by our museums."
"I hope so, too," Lightfoot said, lighting a cigarette.
The other Fnool, pondering, said, "I wonder if there's any way we can grow taller. Is it a racial secret preserved by your people?" Noticing the burning cigarette dangling between Lightfoot's lips, the Fnool said, "Is that how you achieve unnatural height? By burning that stick of compressed dried vegetable fibers and inhaling the smoke?"
"Yes," Lightfoot said, handing the cigarette to the two-foot-high Fnool. "That's our secret. Cigarette-smoking makes you grow. We have all our offspring, especially teen-agers, smoke. Everyone that's young."
"I'm going to try it," the Fnool said to its companion. Placing the cigarette between its lips, it inhaled deeply.
Lightfoot blinked. Because the Fnool was now four feet high, and its companion instantly imitated it; both Fnools were twice as high as before. Smoking the cigarette had augmented the Fnools' height incredibly by two whole feet.
"Thank you," the now four-foot-high real-estate salesman said to Lightfoot, in a much deeper voice than before. "We are certainly making bold strides, are we not?"
Nervously, Lightfoot said, "Gimme back the cigarette.
In his office at the CIA building, Major Julius Hauk pressed a button on his desk, and Miss Smith alertly opened the door and entered the room, dictation pad in hand.
"Miss Smith," Major Hauk said, "Captain Lightfoot's away. Now I can tell you. The Fnools are going to win this time. As senior officer in charge of defeating them, I'm about to give up and go down to the bomb-proof shelter constructed for hopeless situations such as this."
"I'm sorry to hear that, sir," Miss Smith said, her long eyelashes fluttering. "I've enjoyed working for you."
"But you, too," Hauk explained. "All Terrans are wiped out; our defeat is planet-wide." Opening a drawer of his desk he brought out an unopened fifth of Bullock & Lade Scotch which he had been given as a birthday present. "I'm going to finish this B & L Scotch off first," he informed Miss Smith. "Will you join me?"
"No thank you, sir," Miss Smith said. "I'm afraid I don't drink, at least during the daylight hours."
Major Hauk drank for a moment from a dixie cup, then tried a little more from the bottle just to be sure it was Scotch all the way to the bottom. At last he put it down and said, "It's hard to believe that our backs could be put to the wall by creatures no larger than domestic orange-striped tomcats, but such is the case." He nodded courteously to Miss Smith. "I'm off for the concrete sub-surface bomb-proof shelter, where I hope to hold out after the general collapse of life as we know it."
"Good for you, Major Hauk," Miss Smith said, a little uneasily. "But are you -- just going to leave me here to become a captive of the Fnools? I mean --" Her sharply pointed breasts quivered in becoming unison beneath her blouse. "It seems sort of mean."
"You have nothing to fear from the Fnools, Miss Smith," Major Hauk said. "After all, two feet tall --" He gestured. "Even a neurotic young woman could scarcely --" He laughed. "Really."
"But it's a terrible feeling," Miss Smith said, "to be abandoned in the face of what we know to be an unnatural enemy from another planet entirely."
"I tell you what," Major Hauk said thoughtfully. "Perhaps I'll break a series of strict CIA rulings and allow you to go below to the shelter with me."
Putting down her pad and pencil and hurrying over to him, Miss Smith breathed, "Oh, Major, how can I thank you!"
"Just come along," Major Hauk said, leaving the bottle of B & L Scotch behind in his haste, the situation being what it was.
Miss Smith clung to him as he made his way a trifle unsteadily down the corridor to the elevator.
"Drat that Scotch," he murmured. "Miss Smith, Vivian, you were wise not to touch it. Given the cortico-thalamic reaction we are all experiencing in the face of the Fnoolian peril, Scotch isn't the beneficial balm it generally is."
"Here," his secretary said, sliding under his arm to help prop him up as they waited for the elevator. "Try to stand firm, Major. It won't be long now."
"You have a point there," Major Hauk agreed. "Vivian, my dear."

The elevator came at last. It was the self-service type.
"You're being really very kind to me," Miss Smith said, as the Major pressed the proper button and the elevator began to descend.
"Well, it may prolong your life," Major Hauk agreed. "Of course, that far underground. . . the average temperature is much greater than at the Earth's surface. Like a deep mine shaft, it runs in the near-hundreds."
"But at least we'll be alive," Miss Smith pointed out.
Major Hauk removed his coat and tie. "Be prepared for the humid warmth," he told her. "Here, perhaps you would like to remove your coat."
"Yes," Miss Smith said, allowing him in his gentlemanly way to remove her coat.
The elevator arrived at the shelter. No one was there ahead of them, fortunately; they had the shelter all to themselves.
"It is stuffy down here," Miss Smith said as Major Hauk switched on one dim yellow light. "Oh dear." She stumbled over something in the gloom. "It's so hard to see." Again she stumbled over some object; this time she half-fell. "Shouldn't we have more light, Major?"
"What, and attract the Fnools?" In the dark, Major Hauk felt about until he located her; Miss Smith had toppled onto one of the shelter's many bunks and was groping about for her shoe.
"I think I broke the heel off," Miss Smith said.
"Well, at least you got away with your life," Major Hauk said. "If nothing else." In the gloom he began to assist her in removing her other shoe, it being worthless now.
"How long will we be down here?" Miss Smith asked.
"As long as the Fnools are in control," Major Hauk informed her. "You'd better change into radiation-proof garb in case the rotten little non-terrestrials try H-bombing the White House. Here, I'll take your blouse and skirt -- there should be overalls somewhere around."
"You're being really kind to me," Miss Smith breathed, as she handed him her blouse and skirt. "I can't get over it."
"I think," Major Hauk said, "I'll change my mind and go back up for that Scotch; we'll be down here longer than I anticipated and we'll need something like that as the solitude frays our nerves. You stay here." He felt his way back to the elevator.
"Don't be gone long," Miss Smith called anxiously after him. "I feel terribly exposed and unprotected down here alone, and what is more I can't seem to find that radiation-proof garb you spoke of."
"Be right back," Major Hauk promised.

At the field opposite the CIA Building, Captain Lightfoot landed the 'copter with the two captive Fnools aboard. "Get moving," he instructed them, digging the muzzle of his Service .45 into their small ribs.
"It's because he's bigger than us, Len," one of the Fnools said to the other. "If we were the same size he wouldn't dare treat us this way. But now we understand -- finally -- the nature of the Terrans' superiority."
"Yes," the other Fnool said. "The mystery of twenty years has been cleared up."
"Four feet tall is still suspicious-looking," Captain Lightfoot said, but he was thinking, If they grow from two feet to four feet in one instant, just by smoking a cigarette, what's to stop them from growing two feet more? Then they'll be six feet and look exactly like us.
And it's all my fault, he said to himself miserably.
Major Hauk will destroy me, career-wise if not body-wise.
However, he continued on as best he could; the famous tradition of the CIA demanded it. "I'm taking you directly to Major Hauk," he told the two Fnools. "He'll know what to do with you."
When they reached Major Hauk's office, no one was there.
"This is strange," Captain Lightfoot said.
"Maybe Major Hauk has beaten a hasty retreat," one of the Fnools said. "Does this tall amber bottle indicate anything?"
"That's a tall amber bottle of Scotch," Lightfoot said, scrutinizing it. "And it indicates nothing. However --" he removed the cap -- "I'll try it. Just to be on the safe side."
After he had tried it, he found the two Fnools staring at him intently.
"This is what Terrans deem drink," Lightfoot explained. "It would be bad for you."
"Possibly," one of the two Fnools said, "but while you were drinking from that bottle I obtained your .45 Service revolver. Hands up."
Lightfoot, reluctantly, raised his hands.
"Give us that bottle," the Fnool said. "And let us try it for ourselves; we will be denied nothing. For in point of fact, Terran culture lies open before us."
"Drink will put an end to you," Lightfoot said desperately.
"As that burning tube of aged vegetable matter did?" the nearer of the two Fnools said with contempt.
It and its companion drained the bottle as Lightfoot watched. Sure enough, they now stood six feet high. And, he knew, everywhere in the world, all Fnools had assumed equal stature. Because of him, the invasion of the Fnools would this time be successful. He had destroyed Terra. "Cheers," the first Fnool said.
"Down the hatch," the other said. "Ring-a-ding." They studied Lightfoot. "You've shrunk to our size."
"No, Len," the other said. "We have expanded to his."
"Then at last we're all equal," Len said. "We're finally a success. The magic defense of the Terrans -- their unnatural size -- has been eradicated."
At that point a voice said, "Drop that .45 Service revolver." And Major Hauk stepped into the room behind the two thoroughly drunken Fnools.
"Well I'll be goddamned," the first Fnool mumbled. "Look, Len, it's the man most responsible for previously defeating us."
"And he's little," Len said. "Little, like us. We're all little, now. I mean, we're all huge; goddamn it, it's the same thing. Anyhow we're equal." It lurched toward Major Hauk --
Major Hauk fired. And the Fnool named Len dropped. It was absolutely undeniably dead. Only one of the captured Fnools remained.
"Edgar, they've increased in size," Major Hauk said, pale. "Why?"
"It's due to me," Lightfoot admitted. "First because of the cigarette, then second because of the Scotch -- your Scotch, Major, that your wife gave you on your last birthday. I admit their now being the same size as us makes them undistinguishable from us. . . but consider this, sir. What if they grew once more?"
"I see your idea clearly," Major Hauk said, after a pause. "If eight feet tall, the Fnools would be as conspicuous as they were when --"
The captured Fnool made a dash for freedom.
Major Hauk fired, low, but it was too late; the Fnool was out into the corridor and racing toward the elevator.
"Get it!" Major Hauk shouted.
The Fnool reached the elevator and without hesitation pressed the button; some extraterrestrial Fnoolian knowledge guided its hand.
"It's getting away," Lightfoot grated.
Now the elevator had come. "It's going down to the bomb-proof shelter," Major Hauk yelled in dismay.
"Good," Lightfoot said grimly. "We'll be able to capture it with no trouble."
"Yes, but --" Major Hauk began, and then broke off. "You're right, Lightfoot; we must capture it. Once out on the street -- It would be like any other man in a gray business suit carrying a briefcase."
"How can it be made to grow again?" Lightfoot said, as he and Major Hauk descended by means of the stairs. "A cigarette started it, then the Scotch -- both new to Fnools. What would complete their growth, make them a bizarre eight feet tall?" He racked his brain as they dashed down and down, until at last the concrete and steel entrance of the shelter lay before them.
The Fnool was already inside.
"That's, um, Miss Smith you hear," Major Hauk admitted. "She was, or rather actually, we were -- well, we were taking refuge from the invasion down here."
Putting his weight against the door, Lightfoot swung it aside.
Miss Smith at once hopped up, ran toward them and a moment later clung to the two men, safe now from the Fnool. "Thank God," she gasped. "I didn't realize what it was until --" She shuddered.
"Major," Captain Lightfoot said, "I think we've stumbled on it."
Rapidly, Major Hauk said, "Captain, you get Miss Smith's clothes, I'll take care of the Fnool. There's no problem now."
The Fnool, eight feet high, came slowly toward them, its hands raised.

dissabte, 24 de gener de 2015


















NA EUROPA 1900-1914




RUSSOS 38% POLACOS 36%.....

"A sail! a sail!" a promised prize to Hope! Her nation flag how speaks the telescope? No prize, alas! but yet a welcome sail: The blood−red signal glitters in the gale. Yes she is ours a home returning bark Blow fair, thou breeze! she anchors ere the dark nessun maggior dolore, Che ricordarsi del tempo felice Nella miseria, ____" Dante. I. "O'er the glad waters of the dark−blue sea, Our thoughts as boundless, and our souls as free, Far as the breeze can bear, the billows foam, Survey our empire, and behold our home! These are our realms, no limits to their sway Our flag the sceptre all who meet obey

Ours the wild life in tumult still to range 
From toil to rest, and joy in every change. 
Oh, who can tell? not thou, luxurious slave! Whose soul would sicken o'er the heaving wave; Not thou, vain lord of wantonness and ease! Whom slumber soothes not pleasure cannot please  
Oh, who can tell, save he whose heart hath tried, And danced in triumph o'er the waters wide,
 The exulting sense the pulse's maddening play, That thrills the wanderer of that trackless way? That for itself can woo the approaching fight, 
And turn what some deem danger to delight; 
That seeks what cravens shun with more than zeal, And where the feebler faint can only feel  
Feel to the rising bosom's inmost core, 
Its hope awaken and its spirit soar? 
No dread of death if with us die our foes
 Save that it seems even duller than repose: 
Come when it will we snatch the life of life When lost what recks it by disease or strife? 
Let him who crawls enamour'd of decay, 
Cling to his couch, and sicken years away; 
Heave his thick breath, and shake his palsied head; Ours the fresh turf, and not the feverish bed. While gasp by gasp he falters forth his soul, 
Ours with one pang one bound escapes control. His corse may boast its urn and narrow cave, 
And they who loathed his life may gild his grave; Ours are the tears, though few, sincerely shed, When Ocean shrouds and sepulchres our dead. 
For us, even banquets fond regret supply 
In the red cup that crowns our memory; 
And the brief epitaph in danger's day, 
When those who win at length divide the prey, And cry, Remembrance saddening o'er each brow, How had the brave who fell exulted now!" 
Such were the notes that from the Pirate's isle, 
Around the kindling watch−fire rang the while;
 Such were the sounds that thrill'd the rocks along, 
And unto ears as rugged seem'd a song! 
In scatter'd groups upon the golden sand,
 They game carouse converse or whet the brand;
 Select the arms to each his blade assign, 
And careless eye the blood that dims its shine;
Repair the boat, replace the helm or oar,
 While others straggling muse along the shore; 
For the wild bird the busy springes set, 
Or spread beneath the sun the dripping net; 
Gaze where some distant sail a speck supplies, With all the thirsting eye of Enterprise; 
Tell o'er the tales of many a night of toil, 
And marvel where they next shall seize a spoil: No matter where their chief's allotment this; Theirs, to believe no prey nor plan amiss. 
But who that *Chief?* his name on every shore
 Is famed and fear'd they ask and know no more. With these he mingles not but to command; 
Few are his words, but keen his eye and hand. Ne'er seasons he with mirth their jovial mess, 
But they forgive his silence for success. 
Ne'er for his lip the purpling cup they fill, 
That goblet passes him untasted still  
And for his fare the rudest of his crew 
Would that, in turn, have pass'd untasted too; Earth's coarsest bread, the garden's homeliest roots, And scarce the summer luxury of fruits, 
His short repast in humbleness supply 
With all a hermit's board would scarce deny. 
But while he shuns the grosser joys of sense, 
His mind seems nourish'd by that abstinence. "Steer to that shore!" they sail.
 "Do this!" 'tis done! 
"Now form and follow me!" the spoil is won. Thus prompt his accents and his actions still, 
And all obey and few inquire his will; 
To such, brief answer and contemptuous eye Convey reproof, nor further deign reply.