dissabte, 16 de juliol de 2016

Islam in a plural Asia The Muslim legal texts which enjoyed authority throughout the wider Islamic world make no mention of Hindus among the dhimmis ('protected peoples'), those non Muslims who were liable to pay the jtzya (a graduated poll tax); although an obscure reference in the Qur'an to a people called the 'Sabians' had enabled the early Arab conquerors to admit Zoroastrians to dhimml status. By the eighth /fourteenth century a good many Indo Muslim authors and one legal text composed within the sultanate, the Fatawayi Ftruzshahi, were prepared to refer to the sultan's Hindu subjects as dhimmis. Kufi's Chach nama (c. 6i3/i2i6fi), which purports to be a Persian translation of an earlier (lost) work in Arabic, speaks of the levying of the jizya on the conquered population of Sind at the time of the Muslim conquest in the early second/eighth century. This is quite anachronistic, and it has been suggested that this kind of statement was used to justify what had become standard practice in Sind by the time the Chach nama was written. 69 References to seventh/thirteenth century conditions in India seem to show the term jtzya (sometimes kharaj wa jizya) being used of the tribute rendered by Hindu potentates. The occasional allusion by Barani raises the slight possibility that the poll tax was levied on the Hindu populace within Muslim held towns in northern India. 70 But the earliest incontrovertible evidence for the imposi tion of the jizya as a discriminatory tax on individual non Muslims dates from the reign of the Tughluqid Firuz Shah; though it is difficult, even so, to see how the measure could have been enforced outside the principal urban centres. nineteenth and twentieth centuries. One with far reaching consequences still not wholly exhausted was the impact on the Islamic lands of the steppe tribal peoples of Central Asia, especially though not exclusively the Turks. A second was the maritime expansion of Islam along the trade routes of the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, which had a quite different character from the conquests of the heroic age. Related to both phenomena was a third, broader one. Until the eleventh century, Islam had expanded and developed in interaction primarily with Christianity and its Greco Roman heritage, and with Judaism and Zoroastrianism. In the eastern lands thereafter, interactions became extensive with Asian spirituality, including what we today label Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism, as well as with Asian political and cultural forms. Central Asia and the Turks The Islamic lands had had relations, friendly and otherwise, with Turks beyond the borders for much of the period covered by volume i of this history. The at least partly Judaised Khazar empire had for long been an effective barrier to the spread both of Islam as a religion and of Muslim political rule north of the Caucasus. As the Central Asian frontiers of the dar al islam were pushed forward into and beyond Transoxania, individual Turks were captured in batde or purchased as slaves. The c Abbasid caliphs most famously al Mu'tasim, though the process was under way before his reign came to value such slaves particularly for their martial qualities: a trained military force of Turks, newly converted to Islam and loyal to their caliphal master, looked an attractive, efficient and trustworthy alternative to reliance on the fractious Khurasani armies which had first brought the 'Abbasid dynasty to power. It is true that that loyalty did not last very long: not many years were to elapse before political power in Baghdad became a prize to be fought for between the Turkish generals, with the caliph becoming little more than a conveniently tame, if necessarily legitimising, figurehead. But Turkish slave soldiers (mamluks or ghulams) had come to stay. Even the Buyids, Persians from the Caspian provinces who ruled in western Iran and in Baghdad itself for a century from 945, had a substantial Turkish element in their army. The notable dynasty to the east which was for a time the Buyids' contemporary, the Persian Samanids of Bukhara, were famed for their efforts not only in encouraging the spreading of the faith of Islam further into Turk dominated Central Asia but also in trading extensively in Turkish slaves at the frontier markets.

Mahmud repaired irrigation systems 
and implemented a tax reform, probably the 
model for that of Yeh lii 
Ch'u ts'ai in China, with a poll tax on adult males called qubchur and a land 
tax called qalan. Other taxes were abolished, at 
least in theory. Mahmud had to 
contend with attempts by Chaghadai, whose 
territory adjoined Transoxania, 
to assert authority. In 636/1238^ the rebellion of Mahmud Tarabi in Bukhara 
brought a punitive assault, but Mahmud was able to prevent a massacre by an 
appeal to Ogedei. Perhaps to placate Chaghadai, Ogedei moved Mahmud to 
China and replaced him by his son Masud,        with no change in policy. 
Contemporary observers and numismatic            evidence suggest that by 1260 
Central Asia had nearly regained its earlier 
prosperity. 2  The situation was very different in Iran, where Chinggis Khan made no 
attempt to install systematic administration. 29 Some eastern cities had Mongol 
officials but most simply remained under earlier rulers: the atabegs of Fars in 
southern Iran, the Khwarazm Shah's son Ghiyath al Din in Rayy, and in 
Azerbaijan, the Saljuqid atabegs. Kirman was seized in 619. by Baraq 
Hajib, a former servitor of the Khwarazm Shahs, who gave allegiance to the 
Mongols and founded the Qutluq Khanid            dynasty. Most rulers offered submission to the   qaghan and many travelled to the central court.

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