dissabte, 4 d’octubre de 2014

TAL COMO MUITAS INICIAÇÕES EM SOCIEDADES PRIMITIVAS EM MUITAS CULTURAS HU MANAS E INUMANAS EM TODO O UNIVERSO CONHECIDO A PRAXE VULGO INICIAÇÃO AO ESTYLO DE TROLHA DA CONSTRUÇÃO CIVIL INCLUI UMA SÉRIE DE DESAFIOS RITUAIS BASTANTE ESTÚPIDOS UM DESNUDAMENTO DA ALMA PARVA COM AVENTAL OU SEM E A TRANSMISSÃO DE CONHECIMENTOS QUE NÃO INTERESSAM A NINGUÉM A NÃO SER AOS GAMAS QUE VOS PRAXAM VAI PRÁ MAIS DE 10 RTP'S ....THE GREEN DRAGON TAVERN AND THEIR OWNER THE LODGE OF ...NEW MASONIC TEMPLE, BOSTON, Erected 1864. THE LODGE OF SAINT ANDREW, AND THE MASSACHUSETTS Grand Lodge THE LODGE NESS MONSTER....Sholto Charles Douglas, Lord Aberdour. Grand Master of the Free and Accepted Masons of Scotland, with consent of the Brethren of the Grand Lodge of Scotland, hereunto subscribing — Whereas, a petition hath been presented to the Grand Lodge, in name of Isaac DeCoster, David Flagg, George Graham, George Lowder, George Bray, George Hodge, Henry Ammes, William Burbeck, and James Tourner, Free and Accepted Masons, residing at Boston, in New England, praying tiiat they and such other Brethren as they should find to be duly qualified, should be constituted and erected into a Mason Lodge, under the name, title and designation of the Lodge of St. Andrew, to be held in Boston, at New England: which petition having been openly read in presence of the Grand Lodge assembled, it was unanimously Resolved and Ordered, tliat tlie desire of the same should be granted. Know ve, therefore. That We, by and with the advice and consent of the (irand Lodge of Scotland, have constituted, erected and appointed, and herel)y constitute, erect and api)oint the Worsliipful Brethren alx)ve named, and tlicir successors in all time coming, a true and regular Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons, under the name, title and designation of the Lodge of St. Andrew, to be held at Boston, in New England, and ordain all regular Lodges witliin Scot- land or elsewhere, holding of the Grand Lodge of Scotland, to liold and respect them as such for the future. .And We, with advice and consent foresaid, give and grant to them and their successors, full and ample power to meet, convene and assemble as a regular Lodge ; to enter and receive Apprentices, pass Fel- low-Crafts, and raise Master Masons, upon payment of such regular and reason- able compensations as they shall think proper for supporting their poor decayed Brethren, widows and orphans, agreeable to their stations, and to elect and make choice of a Master, Wardens and other Office Bearers, annually or other- wise, as they may have occasion. And we hereby recommend to our foresaid Brethren so constituted, to obey their superiors in all things lawful and honest, as Ijecometh the honour and harmonic of Masonry. And that they faithfully become bound and engaged not to desert said Lodge, and that none of them presume, upon any pretence whatever, to make separate meetings among them- selves, without the consent, approbation, or presence of their Master and War- dens for the time ; nor collect money or other funds separate from the common stock of their Lodge, to the hurt or prejudice of the poor thereof The said Worshipful Brethren being always bound and obliged, as by their acceptance hereof they faithfully bind and oblige themselves and their successors, in all time coming, to obey the whole Acts, Statutes, and Regulations of the Grand Lodge of Scotland, as well these already made, as those hereafter to be made, for the utility, welfare and prosperity of Masonry in general, and to pay and per- form whatever is stipulated or demanded from them for supporting the dignity of the Grand Lodge, and to record in their Lodge book, which they are hereby enjoyned to keep, this present Charter of Erection and Constitution, with the Regulations or By-Laws already made, or hereafter to be made by them from time to time, with their other proceedings and Annual Elections, as they happen, to the end the same may be the more readily seen and observed by their Breth- ren ; subject, nevertheless, to the review of the Grand Lodge aforesaid. And in like manner the said Brethren and their successors are hereby required to attend the whole General Meetings and Quarterly Communications of the said Grand Lodge by their Representatives, being their Master and Wardens for the time, or by Proxie in their name duly authorized by commission from their Lodge, such Proxies being Master Masons or Fellow-Crafts, belonging to some established Lodge, to the end the said Brethren may be duly certitied and in- formed of the proceedings of the Grand Lodge, to whom they may represent their grievances or any other matters concerning Masonrie, as they shall see cause. And We hereby declare the precidencie of the foresaid Brethren in the Grand Lodge to commence from tlie date of these presents, and appoint this our Charter to be recorded in the book of the Grand Lodge, in terms of the reGulations in that behalf

Given under our hand and seal, in the Grand Lodge, held in St. Mary's 
Chapel, in the city of Edinburgh, and the Seal of the Grand Lodge is 
hereunto appended this thirtieth day of November, one thousand seven 
hundred and fifty-six years.
 
Composition of two Guineas to this Grand Lodge 
for the Charter, paid unto 

James Hunter, G. Tr. 



Charter of Constitution and New Erection,
É UM CULTO OU CULTUS FALICUS ..
FALL E CUS ...OU DE JOELHOS SEGUNDO 
A FILOSOFIA BRASUQUEIRA  
 in favor of the Lodge of Saint 
Andrew, to be held at Boston, New England, 1756. 



[endorsement by the grand lodge of MASSACHUSETTS.] 

To all the Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons in the State of Massachu- 
setts, the Most Worshipful Isalah Thomas, Esq., Grand Master of the 
State aforesaid, sends Greeting : 

Know ye, that by virtue of the power vested in me as Grand Master, and in 
conformity to a vote of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts at their Quarterly 
Communication, on the nth day of September, A. L. 5809, I do hereby authorize 
and empower St. Andrew's Lodge, of Boston, formerly under the jurisdiction of 
the Grand Lodge of Scotland, but lately admitted under our jurisdiction, to take 
rank in Grand Lodge, at all their (Quarterly Communications, Festivals, and 
Funerals, and all other regular and constitutional meetings, agreeably to the 
date of their ancient Charter. 

Given under my hand this eleventh day of December, A. L. 5809. 

Attest, LSAIAH THOMAS, 

John Proctor, Gd. Secretary. Grand Master.
 
 
This is the earhest authentic record we have of tlie appearance of Freemii- 
sonry in the kingdom ; unless, indeed, we adopt the theory that the Culdees, 
as the conjectural successors of the Essenes, were a fraternity of Freemasons. 
On this hypothesis, the existence of the Order in Scotland may, without diffi- 
culty, be traced to a mucli earlier date. But such an inquiry would be foreign 
to our present purpose. 

It may be remarked, in this connection, that there is extant, in the Hay's MSS. 
in the Advocates' library at Edinburgh, the record of an ancient Charter of the 
Craft, which recites that, "for sa meikle as from adge to adge it has been ob- 
served amongst us that the Lairds of Roslyn has ever been patrons and protec- 
tors of us and our privileges ; " and then proceeds to authorize the Lord of Roslyn 
to purchase a new recognition and confirmation of that right from the King. This 
Charter is without date ; but it is doubtless very ancient, being referred to as 
an old deed in the subsequent Charter of renewal, about the year 1628. In 
this document we are told that the former Lords of Roslyn had from time to 
time obtained Charters from several of the kings of Scotland, confirming their ju- 
risdiction over the Masonic Fraternity ; but that these muniments and records 
were "consumed in ane flame of fire within the Castle of Roslyn," which confla- 
gration occurred in the year 1554, through the depredations of the troops of 
Henry VIII. King of England. "These facts," says a distinguished Scotch au- 
thor! t\', "confirm the accounts of those historians who relate that the original 
grant, or Charter of jurisdiction over the Lodges in Scotland, was made by King 
James 1 1, of that kingdom, to St. Clair, the great Earl of Caithness and Orkney, 
who founded the chapel of Roslyn Castle about the year 1441." The Order must 
have flourished in Scotland, continues the writer just quoted, a long time before 
this ; for otherwise we cannot imagine how its numbers and its consequence 
should have attracted the notice of the king, nor why the Grand Mastership of 
the institution should be deemed a gift worthy the acceptance of so distinguished 
a nobleman. And hence also there is derived additional credit to the assertion 
of old writers on Masonry, who afiirm that King James I. of Scotland, who died 
A. D. 1437, settled a yearly revenue of four pounds Scots, to be paid by every 
Master Mason to a Grand Master, to be chosen by the (irand Lodge and ap- 
proved by the crown. If an institution so worthy of royal patronage and so 

dignified as to excite the ambition of nobles to preside over its mvsteries, had 
been of recent origin, its foundation, or at least its introduction into Scothmd, 
would have been noted by the historians and annalists of tliat kingdi)m. But as no 
such record is to be found, the conckision is irresistible that tlie Order there was 
of earlv and uncertain date, and that it was originally venerable and august, or 
had acquired its elevated and imposing character by imperceptible degrees, in 
long progression of time. 

The foregoing particulars are believed to be sufficient to show, first, that 
Masonry in Scotland is of great antiquity ; and, secondly, that it was originally 
derived from a pure and legitimate source, — that those companies or Lodges, 
which were invited into the kingdom by David I. were identical with those 
" travelling associations of architects " which appeared in Europe during the 
Middle Ages, under the patronage of the See of Rome. The Masonry of Scot- 
land and the Masonry of England are but different streams flowing from a 
common fountain. 

One of the first Lodges in Scotland, under the present system of organization, 
of which we have any reliable account, was held at Kilwinning, in Ayrshire, 
about the close of the fifteenth century. How long it had been in operation 
before that period, cannot now Ije ascertained. It is worthy of remark, how- 
ever, in this connection, that it has always been understood among our Breth- 
ren in Scotland, that until the betrinninsf of that centurv, the "annual assemblies " 
of the Fraternity, or meetings of the Grand Lodge, were held at Kilwinning, and 
that this practice continued until their removal to Edinburgh, shortly before 
the appointment of the St. Clairs as hereditary Grand Masters. 

For the period of more than a century and a half subsequent to the granting 
of the first of the Charters before mentioned, the office of Grand Master of 
Scotland was filled, without interruption, by the St. Clairs of Roslyn. In the 
year 1736, William St. Clair, "the last Roslyn," being "under the necessity 
of alienating his estate, and having no children, was anxious that the office of 
Grand Master should not become vacant at his death." He accordingly assem- 
bled together the Lodges in and about Edinburgli, and having represented to tliem 
the advantage that would accrue to the Order by having a nobleman or gentleman 
of their oiu)i choice as Grand Master, he graciously intimated liis intention ot 
resigning into the hands of tlie lirethren, every title to that office wliich he tlien 
possessed, rjr which his successors migiil claim, cither untler the grants ot tlie 



12 CENTENNIAL MEMORIAL. 

Scottish Kings, or from tlie kindness of the Fraternity. In furtherance of this 
generous and voluntary surrender of his hereditary authority, circular letters 
were dispatched in the name of "the four Lodges in and about Edinburgh," 
to all the Lodges in Scotland, inviting them to appear in the metropolis, either 
personally or by proxies, on the next St. Andrew's day, to concur in the elec- 
tion of a Grand Master for Scotland. Thirty-three Lodges were represented 
at the meeting held in pursuance of this invitation. The Deed of Resignation 
was read and accepted. To the great honor of the Brethren present, the 
first use they made of their newly acquired power was, by their free suffrages, 
then tor the first time exercised, to elect and constitute for their Grand Master, 
him who had so munificently resigned into their hands his oflficial dignity and 
prerogatives. He held the office until the 30th November, 1737, when he re- 
signed it, and George, Earl of Cromarty, was elected Grand Master. He was 
succeeded in 1738, by John, Earl of Kintore : and he, in 1739, by James, Earl 
of Morton ; and he, again, in 1740, by Thomas, Earl of Strathmore. His suc- 
cessors were, in 1741, Alexander, Earl of Leven ; 1742, William, Earl of Kilmar- 
nock ; 1743, James, Earl of Wemyss ; 1744, James, Earl of Moray ; 1745, Henry 
David, Earl of Buchan ; 1746, William Nisbet of Dirleton, Esq. ; 1747, Francis 
Charteris of Amisfield, Esq. ; 1748, Hugh Seton of Touch, Esq. ; 1749, Thomas, 
Lord Erskine ; 1750, Alexander, Earl of Eglintoun ; 175 1, James, Lord Boyd; 
1752, Rt. Hon. Geo. Drummond, Lord Provost of Edinburgh ; 1753, Charles 
Hamilton Gordon, Esq.; 1754, the Hon. James, Master of Forbes; and, in 
1755-6, Sholto Charles, Lord Aberdour, under whose authority St. 
Andrew's Lodge was constituted, and whose name is affixed to its Charter. He 
was the first Grand Master who had been honored with a re-election. This 
probably did not arise from any disinclination on the part of his predecessors to 
serve the Grand Lodge for a longer term than one year, or, on the part of their 
Brethren to re-elect them ; but at that early period of the Grand Lodge, it was 
doubtless deemed expedient, independently of any necessity which may have been 
felt to exist on the subject, to strengthen the Body, by interesting in its adminis- 
tration as many of the nobility and gentlemen of the kingdom, as could conveni- 
ently be induced to assume the responsibility of its management. This having 
been accomplished, to the desired extent, the one-term rule was discarded, and 
the Grand Masters, from that to the present time have, with few exceptions, 
been honored by at least a second election. 




ST. ANDREW, in whose name our Lodge was chartered 
by the Grand Lodge of Scotland on the 30th of November, 
1756, was born at Bethsaida, a city of GaHlee, situated on 
the shores of the Lake Tiberias, in Palestine. As the name 
imports, it was a place for tishing and hunting, the adjacent 
country abounding with deer and the sea with fish. It is 
said that Philip the Tetrarch formed it into a magnificent 
city and called it Julias, after the daughter of the Emperor 
Augustus. And it was here that Jesus performed many of his miracles. 

Andrew was the brother of Simon Peter, and both were the sons of John, or 
Jonas, a fisherman of tlie place of their nativity. The former, before the advent 
of Jesus as a public teacher, had been a Disciple of John the Baptist, and was 
probably a member of the Essenian Sect, to which John belonged. If so, this 
will, in some measure at least, account for the learning and ability which he 
subsequently exhibited in his public ministry. He was the first person whom 
Jesus received as a Disciple, and who afterwards, with his brother Simon Peter, 
became one of his Apostles. He followed Christ until his crucifixion ; when, 
with the other Apostles, he entered upon his public ministry. Departing from 
Jerusalem, he first travelled through Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia, in- 
structing the inhabitants in the new faith ; and then continued his journey along 
the Euxine Sea, into the desert of Scythia. An ancient author tells us that he 
first came to Amynsus, where he preached in one of the Jewisli Synagogues, 
converted many of the people, and ordained ])riests. He next went to Trapez- 
ium, a maritime city on tlie Euxine Sea ; from whence, after visiting many otiier 
places, he came to Nice, in Northern Italy, where lie stayed two years, preach- 
ing and working miracles witli great success. Leaving here he passed to Nico- 
media, and from thence to Chalcedon, whence he sailed through the Propontis 

to the Euxine again, and from thence went to Heraclea, and afterwards to 
Amastris ; in all of which places he encountered many difficulties, but overcame 
them by his invincible patience and resolution. He next proceeded to Synope 
(a city on the same sea, and famous as the birth and burial place of King Mith- 
ridates), where he met his brother Peter and united with him in the work of the 
ministry. Tlie inhabitants were mostly Jews, who, "partly from a zeal for their 
celigion and partly from their barbarous manners, were exasperated against him, 
and entered into a confederacy to burn the house in which he lodged. But 
being disappointed in their design, they treated him with the most savage cruelty, 
throwing him on the ground, stamping upon him with their feet, pulling and 
dragging him from place to place ; some beating him with clubs, some pelting 
him with stones, and others, to satisfy their brutal revenge, biting off his flesh 
with their teeth ; until, apprehending that they had entirely deprived him of 
life, they cast him out into the fields. But he miraculously recovered, and re- 
turned pubhcly into the city ; by which, and other miracles that he wrought 
among them, he converted many from the error of their ways and induced them 
to become Disciples of Jesus." He afterwards returned to Jerusalem, and 
from thence travelled over Thrace, Macedonia, Thessera, Achaia, and Epirus, 
" propagating and confirming the doctrine he taught, with signs and miracles." 
At last he came to Patrae, a city of Achaia, in Greece, where, after converting 
large numbers of the inhabitants, he finally sealed his faith with his blood. He 
was here arrested by order of Agenas, pro-consul of Achaia, and having resisted 
every temptation to renounce his mission and sacrifice to the gods of the 
heathen, he was treated with the utmost severity, and finally crucified on the 
30th of November, A. D. 69. The Cross used on this occasion, was of the form 
called Criix decussata, and commonly known as St. Andrew's Cross. It was 
made of two pieces of timber, crossing each other in the centre, in the form of 
the letter X. Contrary to the usual custom, he was fastened to the cross with 
cords instead oi nails, that his death might be the more lingferinor and tedious. 
In this condition, says one authority, "he hung two whole days, teaching and 
instructing the people in the best manner his wretched situation would admit of, 
being sometimes so weak and faint as scarce to have the power of utterance. 
In the meantime, great interest was made to the pro-consul to spare his life ; 
but the Apostle earnesdy begged of the Almighty that he might now depart, 
and seal the truth of his religion with his blood." 
His prayers were hard, and 
he expired, as before stated, on the last day of November. Mis body is said to 
have been decently and honorably interred by Maximillia, a lady of quality and 
estate, who Niceporus tells us, was the wite of the pro-consul. Constantino 
the Great afterwards removed it to Constantinople, and buried it in the great 
Church he had erected in honor of the Apostles. Here it remained until the 
vear A. D. 369, when, it is said, a Scottish Abbot of the name of Regulus, 
caused it to be again removed from Constantinople to Scotland, and buried in 
a church, with a monastery, whicli he had erected to the Saint at Abernethy. 

The festival of St. Andrew was instituted in Scotland in the year A. D. 359, 
and trom that time to the present has been generally observed as the great 
national religious festival and gala-day of Scotchmen, wherever dispersed. 

The Saint was admitted into the Masonic Calendar, and his "anniversary" 
adopted as a Masonic Festival, on the 30th of November, 1737. Previously to 
this time, the " Festival Days "' of the Order in Scotland (as in every other 
countrv in Christendom), had been, from the early days of Christianity, the 
24th of June, and tlie 27th of December. But the peculiar condition of the 
Order there at tlie date above given, and the important clianges which then 
took place in its organization and government, led to a corresponding change 
in its anniversary festivals. 

Such are the more prominent points, historical and legendary, in the life of 
this distinguished Apostle, as they have come down to us from the early days 
of Christianity. A more elaborate narrative was not deemed necessary for the 
purpose of the present sketch. 




C E L E B R A T I O N 



OF THE 



CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY 



OF THE 



MASSACHUSETTS GRAND LODGE 



BY THE 



LODGE OF ST. ANDREW. 



DEC. 23, 1869. 




Allegory. — ScoTland and America united in Masonry under the 
Patronaue of St. A.ndrew. 




Having been precluded by the action of the Grand Lodge of the State, from 
a more formal celebration of the One Hundredth Anniversary of the establish- 
ment in Boston, of the "Grand Lodge of .-FREE Masons," St. Andrew's Lodge 
availed itself of its Quarterly Meeting, on the 23d of December, 1869, to take 
such notice of an occasion, historically and personally so interesting to its 
Members, as the peculiar circumstances under which they were assembled 
would allow. 

The Lodge was opened at an early hour in the afternoon, at the house of Bro. 
J. B. Smith, in Bulfinch Street, and having transacted its ordinary business, 
the Brethren, in commemoration of an ancient masonic custom, were "called 
trom labor to refreshment," and sat down to an entertainment provided for the 
occasion by tlie celebrated caterer at whose house they were convened. 

On the removal of the cloth, the Worshipful Master, Ezra Palmer M. D., 
addressed the Lodge, on tlie auspicious circumstances under which they were 
met, in the following congratulatory address : 

Brethren of the Lodge of St. Andrew : 

I bid you a cordial welcome to these tables so liberally provided with the 
luxuries of the season. 

The large number of members assembled to-night is a subject of congratula- 
tion, as it denotes an interest not only in our time-honored regular quarterly 
communications, but also in the fact that at this meeting we commemorate tiic 
Centennial Anniversary of the establishment of tiie " Massachusetts Grand 
Lodge," in which our Lodge so largely participated, and whose first Grand Mas- 
ter was at the time of his aPpointment. WOrshiFful Master of this Lodge. 








A retrospect of one hundred years ! What interesting suggestions does it 
awaken ! From the date of one hundred years ago we readily recede to the 
middle of the last century, when our beloved Lodge was duly constituted. We 
recall the source and history of its Charter. We read its early records, and find 
that it was one of the few masonic institutions which regularly held their com- 
munications, not only through the distracting period preceding the Revolution, 
but also through the turbulence of the War itself. All this and more flashes 
to the memory, and cjuestions like the following present themselves : Ought not 
much of our old history to be revived ? Ought not a committee be appointed 
to open our many long-closed volumes of records of this early date and furnish 
us some of their valuable contents ? 

I am happy to say that something will be done to-night in that direction. 

My right hand neighbor at the table has delved into the past and will give you 
what preceded and constituted the organization of the Grand Lodge of Massa- 
chusetts. And now. Brethren, I call upon R. W. Bro. Charles W. Moore to 
respond to the sentiment. 

"The Massachusetts Grand Lodge, and its relations with St. 
Andrew's Lodge." 

R. W. Bro. Moore then delivered an interesting address on the early history of 
the Grand Lodge of '■'■Ancient Masons" (as it was originally denominated) ; 
tracing the manner of its organization, referring in terms of eulogy to the dis- 
tinguished brethren who formed its first Board of Officers, and comprehensively 
sketching, with clearness and precision, the important part sustained in its 
establishment by Saint Andrew's Lodge ; illustrating this point of his ad- 
dress by historical data from the records of the two bodies, and other reliable 
and official sources. 

The committee have the pleasure to lay this address before the brethren 
of the Lodge in the following pages. Bro. Moore has, since its delivery, 
elaborated it by the addition of such further documents as seemed to be 
necessary to illustrate the early history and struggles of the Lodge, more fully 
and satisfactorily than a general course of remark would admit of. 






IV. Master and Brethren : 

It may not be an extravagant assumPtion nor yet an improbable 
one, to suppose that ONe Hundred Years ago this night, more or 
less of the members of St. Andrew's Lodge, either in their associate 
or individual capacity, were assembled together at their Hall, in the 
old Green Dragon Tavern, and were there engaged in maturing 
the necessary measures for the successful organization, on the fol- 
lowing Wednesday (being the 27th day of December), of a second 
Grand Lodge in the then town of Boston, to be thereafter known 
as the " Grand Lodge of Ancient Masons with their beloved and 
distinguished Brother Dr. Joseph Warren, for its Grand Master. 
To the organization of this body, and the connection of St. 
Andrew's Lodge with it, I propose to limit the remarks I am 
about to submit in answer to the call with which you have been 
pleased to honor me. 

The history of Freemasonry in Massachusetts is marked by 
three distinct and notable epochs. The first of these was the 
organization of the "St. John's Grand Lodge" in 1733, with the 
R. W. Henkv Price for its Grand Master: The second, the estab- 
lishment of the Grand Lodge of " Ancient Masons^' (subsequently 
styled, and more generally known in masonic history as " The 
Massachusetts Grand Lodge,") on tlic 27th of December 1769, 
with the R. W. Joseph Warren, for its Grand Master: And the 
third, the consolidation and union in 1792, of these two Grand 




Lodges into one body, to be thereafter known as the " Grand Lodge 
of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts," with the R. W. John 
, for its Grand Master. It is with the second of these lead- 
ing events that we, as a Lodge, are at this time more particularly 
concerned. 

On the 30th of July, 1733, there was organized and opened at 
the Bunch of Grapes Tavern, on the corner of King (now State) 
and Kilby Streets, in the town of Boston, the first Grand Lodge 
of Freemasons ever erected on the American Continent. The 
authority under which the Brethren on that occasion acted, was a 
commission, or in the language of that day, a " deputation," from 
the Grand Master of Masons in England, to R. W. Henry Price 
of Boston, constituting and appointing him Provincial Grand Mas- 
ter for New England. The body so formed was denominated, and 
c(mtinued to be known until nearly the close of the century, as " The 
St. John's Grand Lodge." It went into immediate active opera- 
tion by constituting on the evening of its own erection, " The 
First Lodge in Boston." This was the beginning of the existence 
of Freemasonry in America, on its present and modern plan of 
organization. 

On the 30th of November, 1756, a Charter was granted by the 
Grand Lodge of Scotland, for the erection of a Lodge in Boston, 
under the name and title of the " Lodge of St. Andrew ; " but was 
not received by the petitioners until the following year, when the 
Lodge was regularly organized under it. It had, however, previously 
been in operation, as will hereafter appear. The issuing of this 
Charter was objected to and resisted by the St. John's Grand 
Lodge, which had then been in existence twenty-three years, as an 
infringement of its lawful jurisdiction. It was claimed by that 
body that the commission of Grand Master Price gave him and 
his successors, exclusive masonic authority in the Province. This 
claim was not well founded. Massachusetts, like all the other col- 
onies and dependencies of the British Crown, was open and free to 
the joint occupancy of the three Grand Lodges of that kingdom : 
namely, of lngland, Ireland and Scotland. The right, therefore, of 


the Grand Lodge of Scotland, or of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, 
or both together, to estabhsh Lodges within the Province, was as 
clear and undoubted as that of the Grand Lodge of England to 
authorize the establishment of English Lodges within the same 
territory. This right of common jurisdiction in the Provinces 
was not, however, so clearly understood by the Brethren composing 
the St. John's Grand Lodge, as by the parent Grand Lodges of 
Great Britain (which alone had control over it), as -.vill be seen by the 
letter, hereafter cited, from the Grand Master of Scotland. The 
result was a long and exciting controversy, which was not always 
particularly distinguished for its amiability or fraternal courtesy. 
To such an extent indeed had this feeling of unkindness and spirit 
of exclusiveness obtained, that the St. John's Grand Lodge, by a. 
formal vote, forbade all masonic intercourse with the members of 
St. Andrew's Lodge, declaring their organization to be irregular 
and without lawful authority. This vote was in the following 
terms, and was adopted April 8, 1761 : 

" Voted, That it be, and it is herein' recommended and ordered liy the Grand Master, 
that no Meml)er of a regularly constituted Lodge in Boston, do a])pear at the meeting 
(or the Lodge so called) of .Scotts Masons in Boston, not l^eing regularly constituted in 
the opinion of this (Grand) Lodge. The Master and Wardens of the several Lodges, 
are desired to take notice of this Order at their next meeting." 

9 

This was a declaration of outlawry to which the proscribed 
Brethren could not passively submit, without a dishonorable abne- 
gation of their masonic character and prerogatives. On the 
receipt of a copy of it, the members of the Lodge laid their 
grievances before their parent Grand Lodge of Scotland, and sought 
the interposition of that body to relieve them from the embarrass- 
ments and humiliation to which they were so unjustly subjected, 
and received from the luirl of Elgin and Kincardin, its Grand Mas- 
ter, an answer, under date Edinburgh June 4, 1762, from which the 
following is an extract ; 
 
 
 as an infringement (if his Province as Grand Master of North America ; it is my opinion 
there may he some mistake in this ; you say he saw, read and approved of your Char- 
ter ; if he liad any objections, he certainly would have signified them to you when you 
showed him your Charter. I am confident my R. W. Brother Jeremiah Gridley, Esq., 
knows and olxserves the principles of Masonry better, than to take offence where there 
is not the smallest reason given for it. I do not doubt nor dispute his authority as 
Grand Master of all the Lodges in North America, wJio ackncndedge the aitthority, and 
liold of tHE Grand Lodge of England, as he certainly has a warrant and commission from 
the Grand Master of England to that effect. The Grand Master and Grand Lodge of 
Scotland have also granted a warrant and commission to our R. W. Bro. Col. John 
A'oung, Esq., constituting and appointing him Provincial Grand Master of all the 
Lodges in North America, who acknowledge the authority and hold of the Grand 
Lodge of Scotland. These Commissions, when rightly understood, can never clash or 
interfere with each other."
 
'• The last reason assigned by the Lodges in Boston
 for their unkind behavior to you 
is, that the Right Worshii)ful Jercn\iah (Jeremy) Gridley, ICsc].,
 looks upon your Charter 

divendres, 3 d’octubre de 2014

CONFESSIONS OF AN ENGLISH OPIUM-EATER, AND SUSPIRIA DE PROFUNDIS, BY THOMAS DE dUIN.CEY. BOSTON: TICK NOR, REED, AND FIELDS. MDCCCL. BOSTON: THURSTON, TORRY & COMPANY, PRINTERS, DEVONSHIRE STREET.I have often been asked, how I first came to be a regular opium-eater ; and have suffered, very unjustly, in the opinion of my acquaintance, from being reputed to have brought upon myself all the sufferings which I shall have to record, by a long course of indulgence in this practice, purely for the sake of creating an artificial state of pleasurable excitement. This, however, is a misrepresentation of my case. True it is, that for nearly ten years I did occasionally take opium, for the sake of the exquisite pleasure it gave me ; but, so long as I took it with this view, I was effectually protected from all material bad consequences, by the necessity of interposing long intervals between the several acts of indulgence, in order to renew the pleasurable sensa- tions. It was not for the purpose of creating pleasure, but of mitigating pain in the severest degree, that I first began to use opium as an article of daily diet. In the twenty-eighth year of my age, a most painful affection of the stomach, which 1 had first experienced about ten years before, attacked me in great strength. This affection had originally been caused by the extre- * I disclaim any allusion to existing professors, of whom indeed I know only one. 4 CONFESSIONS OF AN mities of hunger, suffered in my boyish days. During the season of hope and redundant happiness which succeeded (that is, from eighteen to twenty-four) it had slumbered : for the three following years it had revived at intervals ; and now, under unfavorable circumstan- ces, from depression of spirits, it attacked me with violence that yielded to no remedies but opium. As the youthful sufferings, which first produced this de- rangement of the stomach, were interesting in them- selves and in the circumstances that attended them, I shall here briefly retrace them. My father died when I was about seven years old, and left me to the care of four guardians. I was sent to various schools, great and small ; and was very early distinguished for my classical attainments, especially for my knowledge of Greek. At thirteen I wrote Greek with ease ; and at fifteen my command of that language was so great, that I not only composed Greek verses in lyric metres, but would converse in Greek fluently, and without embarrassment — an accomplishment which I have not since met with in any scholar of my times, and which, in my case, was owing to the practice of daily reading off the newspapers into the best Greek I could furnish extempore ; for the necessity of ransacking my memory and invention for all sorts and combinations of periphrastic expressions, as equivalents for modern ideas, images, relations of things, dec, gave me a com- pass of diction which would never have been called out by a dull translation of moral essays, &c. " That boy," said one of my masters, pointing the attention of a stranger to me, " that boy could harangue an Athenian mob, better than you or I could address an English ENGLISH OPIUM-EATER. 5 one.", He who honored me with this eulogy was a scholar, " and a ripe and good one," and of all my tutors, was the only one whom I loved or reverenced. Unfortunately for me, (and, as I afterwards learned, to this worthy man's great indignation,) I was transferred to the care, first of a blockhead, who was in a perpetual panic lest I should expose his ignorance ; and finally, to that of a respectable scholar, at the head of a great school on an ancient foundation. This man had been appointed to his situation by College, Oxford ; and was a sound, well built scholar, but (like most men, whom I have known from that college) coarse, clumsy, and inelegant. A miserable contrast he presented, in my eyes, to the Etonian brilliancy of my favorite master; and besides, he could not disguise from my hourly notice, the poverty and meagreness of his under- standing. It is a bad thing for a boy to be, and know himself, far beyond his tutors, whether in knowledge or in power of mind. This was the case, so far as regarded knowledge at least, not with myself only ; for the two boys, who jointly with myself composed the first form, were better Grecians than the head-master, though not more elegant scholars, nor at all more accustomed to sacrifice to the graces. When I first entered, I remember that we read Sophocles; and it was a constant matter of triumph to us, the learned triumvirate of the first form, to see our " Archididas- calus" (as he loved to be called) conning our lesson before we went up, and laying a regular train, with lexicon and grammar, for blowing up and blasting (as it were) any difficulties he found in the choruses ; whilst we never condescended to open our books, until t) CONFESSIONS OF AN the moment of going up, and were generally employed in writing epigrams upon his wig, or some such impor- tant matter. My two class-fellows were poor, and dependent, for their future prospects at the university, on the recommendation of the head-master ; but I, who had a small patrimonial property, the income of which was sufficient to support me at college, wished to be sent thither immediately. I m de earnest representa- tions on the subject to my guardians, but all to no purpose. One, who was more reasonable, and had more knowledge of the world than the rest, lived at a distance ; two of the other three resigned all their authority into the hands of the fourth ; and this fourth with whom I had to negotiate, was a worthy man, in his way, but haughty, obstinate, and intolerant of all opposi- tion to his will. After a certain number of letters and personal interviews, I found that I had nothing to hope for, not even a compromise of the matter, from my guardian : unconditional submission was what he de- manded ; and I prepared myself, therefore, for other measures. Summer was now coming on with hasty steps, and my seventeenth birth-day was fast approach- ing ; after which day I had sworn within myself, that I would no longer be numbered amongst school-boys. Money being what I chiefly wanted, I wrote to a woman of high rank, who, though young herself, had known me from a child, and had latterly treated me with great distinction, requesting that she would " lend " me five guineas. For upwards of a week no answer came ; and I was beginning to despond, when, at length, a servant put into my hands a double letter, with a coronet on the seal. The letter was kind and obliging ; ENGLISH OPIUM-EATER. 7 the fair writer was on the sea-coast, and in that way the delay had arisen ; she inclosed double of what I had asked, and good-naturedly hinted, that if I should never repay her, it would not absolutely ruin her. Now then, I was prepared for my scheme : ten guineas, added to about two that I had remaining from my pocket money, seemed to me sufficient for an indefinite length of time ; and at that happy age, if no definite boundary can be assigned to one's power, the spirit of hope and pleasure makes it virtually infinite. It is a just remark of Dr. Johnson's (and what cannot often be said of his remarks, it is a very feeling one,) that we never do any thing consciously for the last time, (of things, that is, which we have long been in the habit of doing) without sadness of heart. This truth I felt deeply, when I came to leave , a place which I did not love, and where I had not been happy. On the evening before I left for ever, I grieved when the ancient and lofty school-room resounded with the evening service, performed for the last time in my hearing ; and at night, when the muster-roll of names was called over, and mine (as usual) was called first, I stepped forward, and passing the head-master, who was standing by, I bowed to him, and looking earnestly in his face, thinking to myself, " He is old and infirm, and in this world I shall not see him again." I was right ; I never did see him again, nor never shall. He looked at me complacently, smiled good naturedly, returned my salutation, (or rather, my valediction,) and we parted (though he knew it not) for ever. I could not reverence him intellectually ; but he had been uniformly kind to me, and had allowed me maNY INDULGENCES

CONFESSIONS 



AN ENGLISH OPIUM-EATER, 



BEING AN 



EXTRACT FROM THE LIFE OF A SCHOLAR. 

I here present you, courteous reader, with 
the record of a remarkable period of my life ; 
according to my application of it, I trust that it 
will prove, not merely an interesting record, but, 
in a considerable degree, useful and instructive. 
In that hope it is, that I have drawn it up j and 
that must be my apology for breaking through 
that delicate and honorable reserve, which, for 
the most part, restrains us from the public expos- 
ure of our own errors and infirmities. Nothing, 
indeed, is more revolting to English feelings, 
than the spectacle of a human being obtruding 
on our notice his moral ulcers or scars, and tear- 
ing away that " decent drapery," which time, or 
indulgence to human frailty, may have drawn 
over them : accordingly, the greater part of our 
confessions (that is, spontaneous and extra-judi- 
cial confessions) proceed from demireps, 
adventurers, or swindlers ; and for any such acts of 
gratuitous self-humiliation from those who can 
be supposed in sympathy with the decent and 
self-respecting part of society, we must look to 
French literature, or to that part of the German, 
which is tainted with the spurious and defective 
sensibility of the French. All this I feel so 
forcibly, and so nervously am I alive to reproach 
of this tendency, that I have for many months 
hesitated about the propriety of allowing this, or 
any part of my narrative, to come before the 
public eye, until after my death (when, for many 
reasons, the whole will be published) : and it is 
not without an anxious review of the reasons, 
for and against this step, that I have, at last, 
concluded on taking it. 

Guilt and misery shrink, by a natural instinct, 
from public notice : they court privacy and sol- 
itude ; and, even in their choice of a grave, will 
sometimes sequester themselves from the general 
population of the church-yard, as if declining to 
claim fellowship with the great family of man, 
and wishing (in the affecting language of Mr. 
Wordsworth) 

Humbly to express 

A penitential loneliness. 

It is well, upon the whole, and for- the interest 
of us all, that it should be so ; nor would I will- 
ingly, in my own person, manifest a disregard of 



FROM THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. IX 

such salutary feelings ; nor in act or word do any 
thing to weaken them. But, on the one hand, 
as my self-accusation does not amount to a con- 
fession of guilt, so on the other, it is possible 
that, if it did, the benefit resulting to others, 
from the record of an experience purchased at so 
heavy a price, might compensate, by a vast over- 
balance, for any violence done to the feelings 
I have noticed, and justify a breach of the gen- 
eral rule. Infirmity and misery do not, of ne- 
cessity, imply guilt. They approach, or recede 
from, the shades of that dark alliance, in propor- 
tion to the probable motives and prospects of the 
offender, and the palliations, known or secret, of 
the offence ; in proportion as the temptations to 
it were potent from the first, and the resistance 
to it, in act or in effort, was earnest to the last. 
For my own part, without breach of truth or 
modesty, I may affirm, that my life has been, on 
the whole, the life of a philosopher : from my 
birth I was made an intellectual creature ; and 
intellectual in the highest sense my pursuits and 
pleasures have been, even from my schoolboy 
days. If opium-eating be a sensual pleasure, 
and if I am bound to confess that I have in- 
dulged in it to an excess, not yet recorded * of 

* " Not yet recorded,'''' I say; for there is one celebrated 
man of the present day, who, if all be true which is reported 
of him, has greatly exceeded me in quantity. 

any other man, it is no less true, that 1 have 
struggled against this fascinating enthralment 
with a religious zeal, and have at length accom- 
plished what I never yet heard attributed to any 
other man — have untwisted, almost to its final 
links, the accursed chain which fettered me. 
Such a self-conquest may reasonably be set off 
in counterbalance to any kind or degree of self- 
indulgence. Not to insist, that, in my case, the 
self-conquest was unquestionable, the self-indul- 
gence open to doubts of casuistry, according as 
that name shall be extended to acts aiming at 
the bare relief of pain, or shall be restricted 
to such as aim at the excitement of positive 
pleasure. 

Guilt, therefore, I do not acknowledge ; and, 
if I did, it is possible that I might still resolve 
on the present act of confession, in consideration 
of the service which I may thereby render to the 
whole class of opium-eaters. But who are they ? 
Reader, I am sorry to say, a very numerous 
class indeed. Of this I became convinced some 
years ago, by computing at that time, the num- 
ber of those in one small class of English society 
(the class of men distinguished for talent, or of 
eminent station) who were known to me, directly 
or indirectly, as opium-eaters ; such, for instance, 

as the eloquent and benevolent , the late 

dean of ; Lord ; Mr. , the philo- 



FROM THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. XI 

sopher ; a late under-secretary of state (who 
described to me the sensation which first drove 
him to the use of opium, in the very same words 

as the dean of , viz., " that he felt as though 

rats were gnawing and abrading the coats of his 

stomach ; ") Mr. ; and many others, hardly 

less known, whom it would be tedious to men- 
tion. Now, if one class, comparatively so limited, 
could furnish so many scores of cases, (and that 
within the knowledge of one single inquirer,) it 
was a natural inference, that the entire popula- 
tion of England would furnish a proportionable 
number. The soundness of this inference, how- 
ever, I doubted, until some facts became known 
to me, which satisfied me, that it was not incor- 
rect. I will mention two : 1. Three respectable 
London druggists, in widely remote quarters of 
London, from whom I happened lately to be 
purchasing small quantities of opium, assured 
me, that the number of amateur opium-eaters 
(as I may term them) was, at this time, im- 
mense ; and that the difficulty of distinguish- 
ing these persons, to whom habit had rendered 
opium necessary, from such as were purchasing 
it with a view to suicide, occasioned them daily 
trouble and disputes. This evidence respected 
London only. But, 2. (which will possibly sur- 
prise the reader more,) some years ago, on pass- 
ing through Manchester, I was informed by 



Xll FROM THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. 

several cotton manufacturers, that their work 
people were rapidly getting into the practice of 
opium-eating ; so *nuch so, that on a Saturday 
afternoon the counters of the druggists were 
strewed with pills of one, two, or three grains, 
in preparation for the known demand of the 
evening. The immediate occasion of this prac- 
tice was the lowness of wages, which, at that 
time would not allow them to indulge in ale or 
spirits ; and wages rising, it may be thought that 
this practice would cease : but, as I do not readily 
believe that any man, having once tasted the 
divine luxuries of opium, will afterwards descend 
to the gross and mortal enjoyments of alcohol, I 
take it for granted, 

That those eat now, who never ate before ; 
And those who always ate, now eat the more. 

Indeed, the fascinating powers of opium are 
admitted, even by medical writers who are its 
greatest enemies : thus, for instance, Awsiter, 
apothecary to Greenwich hospital, in his " Essay 
on the Effects of Opium/' (published in the 
year 1763,) when attempting to explain why 
Mead had not been sufficiently explicit on the 
properties, counter-agents, &c, of this drug, ex- 
presses himself in the following mysterious terms, 
(ipovovTia cwsToioi :| " perhaps he thought the subject 
of too delicate a nature to be made common ; 
and as many people might then indiscriminately 
use it, it would take from that necessary fear and 
caution, which should prevent their experiencing 
the extensive power of this drug : for there are 
many properties in it, if universally known, that 
would habituate the use, and make it more in 
request with us than the Turks themselves ; the 
result of which knowledge," he adds, " must 
prove a general misfortune." In the necessity 
of this conclusion I do not altogether concur ; 
but upon that point I shall have occasion to speak 
at the close of my Confessions, where I shall 
present the reader with the moral of my nar- 
rative. 



PRELIMINARY CONFESSIONS. 



These preliminary confessions, or introductory nar- 
rative of the youthful adventures which laid the founda- 
tion of the writer's habit of opium eating in after life, 
it has been judged proper to premise, for three several 
reasons : 

1. As forestalling that question, and giving it a satis- 
factory answer, which else would painfully obtrude 
itself in the course of the Opium Confessions — " How 
came any reasonable being to subject himself to such 
a yoke of misery, voluntarily to incur a captivity so 
servile, and knowingly to fetter himself with such a 
seven-fold chain ? " a question which, if not some- 
where plausibly resolved, could hardly fail, by the 
indignation which it would be apt to raise as against 
an act of wanton folly, to interfere with that degree 
of sympathy which is necessary in any case to an 
author's purposes. 

2. As furnishing a key to some parts of that tremen- 
dous scenery which afterwards peopled the dreams of 
the opium-eater. 

3 As creating some previous interest of a personal 
sort in the confessing subject, apart from the matter 
1 



A CONFESSIONS OF AN 

of the confessions, which cannot fail to render the 
confessions themselves more interesting. If a man 
" whose talk is of oxen," should become an opium- 
eater, the probability is, that (if he is not too dull to 
dream at all) he will dream about oxen : whereas, 
in the case before him, the reader will find that the 
opium-eater boasteth himself to be a philosopher ; and 
accordingly, that the phantasmagoria of his dreams 
(waking or sleeping, day dreams or night dreams) 
is suitable to one who in that character, 
Humani nihil a se alienum putat. 

For amongst the conditions which he deems indis- 
pensable to the sustaining of any claim to the title of 
philosopher, is not merely the possession of a superb 
intellect in its analytic functions (in which part of the 
pretension, however, England can for some generations 
show but few claimants ; at least, he is not aware of 
any known candidate for this honor who can be styled 
emphatically a subtle thinker, with the exception of 
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and in a narrower depart- 
ment of thought, with the recent illustrious exception * 

* A third exception might perhaps have been added : and my 
reason for not adding that exception is chiefly because it was only 
in his juvenile efforts that the writer whom I allude to, expressly 
addressed himself to philosophical themes; his riper powers have 
been dedicated (on very excusable and very intelligil.de grounds, 
under the present direction of the popular mind in England) to 
criticism and the fine arts. This reason apart, however, I doubt 
whether he is not rather to be considered an acute thinker than a 
subtle one. It is, besides, a great drawback on his mastery over 
philosophical subjects, that he has obviously not had the advantage 
of a regular scholastic education: he has not read Plato in his youth, 
(which most likely was only his misfortune,) but neither has he read 
Kant in his manhood, (which is his fault.)  

of David Ricardo) — but also on such a constitution 
of the moral faculties, as shall give him an inner eye 
and power of intuition for the vision and mysteries of 
human nature : that constitution of faculties, in short, 
which (amongst all the generations of men that from 
the beginning of time have deployed into life, as it 
were, upon this planet) our English poets 
have possessed in the highest degree — 
and Scottish * professors 
in the lowest. 

THE HUTCHINSON MOB On the evening of the twenty-sixth of August, 1765, a bonfire was kindled in King Street. It flamed high upward, and threw a ruddy light over the front of the town house, on which was displayed a carved representation of the royal arms. The gilded vane of the cupola glittered in the blaze. The kindling of this bonfire was the well known signal for the populace of Boston to assemble in the street. Before the tar-barrels, of which the bonfire was made, were half burnt out, a great crowd had come together. They were chiefly laborers and seafaring men, together with many young apprentices, and all those idle people about town who are ready for any kind of mischief. Doubtless some school-boys were among them. While these rough figures stood round the blazing bonfire, you might hear them speaking bitter words against the high officers of the province. Governor Bernard, Hutchinson, Oliver, Storey, Hallowell, and other men whom King George delighted to honor, were reviled as traitors to the country. Now and then, perhaps, an officer of the crown passed along the street, wearing the gold-laced hat, white wig, and embroidered waistcoat, which were the fashion of the day. But, when the people beheld him, they set up a wild and angry howl, and their faces had an evil aspect, which was made more terrible by the flickering blaze of the bonfire. "I should like to throw the traitor right into that blaze!" perhaps one fierce rioter would say. "Yes; and all his brethren too!" another might reply; "and the governor and old Tommy Hutchinson into the hottest of it!" "And the Earl of Bute along with them," muttered a third; "and burn the whole pack of them under King George's nose! No matter if it singed him!" Some such expressions as these, either shouted aloud, or muttered under the breath, were doubtless heard in King Street. The mob, meanwhile, were growing fiercer, and fiercer, and seemed ready even to set the town on fire, for the sake of burning the king's friends out of house and home. And yet, angry as they were, they sometimes broke into a loud roar of laughter, as if mischief and destruction were their sport. But we must now leave the rioters for a time, and take a peep into the lieutenant-governor's splendid mansion. It was a large brick house, decorated with Ionic pilasters, and stood in Garden Court Street, near the North Square. While the angry mob in King Street were shouting his name, Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson sat quietly in Grandfather's chair, unsuspicious of the evil that was about to fall upon his head. His beloved family were in the room with him. He had thrown off his embroidered coat and powdered wig, and had on a loose flowing gown and purple velvet cap. He had likewise laid aside the cares of state, and all the thoughts that had wearied and perplexed him throughout the day. Perhaps, in the enjoyment of his home, he had forgotten all about the Stamp Act, and scarcely remembered that there was a king, across the ocean, who had resolved to make tributaries of the New Englanders. Possibly, too, he had forgotten his own ambition, and would not have exchanged his situation, at that moment, to be governor, or even a lord. The wax candles were now lighted, and showed a handsome room, well provided with rich furniture. On the walls hung the pictures of Hutchinson's ancestors, who had been eminent men in their day, and were honorably remembered in the history of the country. Every object served to mark the residence of a rich, aristocratic gentleman, who held himself high above the common people, and could have nothing to fear from them. In a corner of the room, thrown carelessly upon a chair, were the scarlet robes of the chief justice. This high office, as well as those of lieutenant-governor, counsellor, and judge of probate, was filled by Hutchinson. Who or what could disturb the domestic quiet of such a great and powerful personage as now sat in Grandfather's chair. The lieutenant-governor's favorite daughter sat by his side. She leaned on the arm of our great chair, and looked up affectionately into her father's face, rejoicing to perceive that a quiet smile was on his lips. But suddenly a shade came across her countenance. She seemed to listen attentively, as if to catch a distant sound. "What is the matter, my child?" inquired Hutchinson. "Father, do not you hear a tumult in the streets?" said she. The lieutenant-governor listened. But his ears were duller than those of his daughter; he could hear nothing more terrible than the sound of a summer breeze, sighing among the tops of the elm trees. "No, foolish child!" he replied, playfully patting her cheek. "There is no tumult. Our Boston mobs are satisfied with what mischief they have already done. The king's friends need not tremble." So Hutchinson resumed his pleasant and peaceful meditations, and again forgot that there were any troubles in the world. But his family were alarmed, and could not help straining their ears to catch the slightest sound. More and more distinctly they heard shouts, and then the trampling of many feet. While they were listening, one of the neighbors rushed breathless into the room. "A mob!—a terrible mob!" cried he: "they have broken into Mr. Storey's house, and into Mr. Hallowell's, and have made themselves drunk with the liquors in his cellar, and now they are coming hither, as wild as so many tigers. Flee, lieutenant-governor, for your life! for your life!" "Father, dear father, make haste!" shrieked his children. But Hutchinson would not hearken to them. He was an old lawyer; and he could not realize that the people would do any thing so utterly lawless as to assault him in his peaceful home. He was one of King George's chief officers; and it would be an insult and outrage upon the king himself, if the lieutenant-governor should suffer any wrong. "Have no fears on my account," said he; "I am perfectly safe. The king's name shall be my protection." Yet he bade his family retire into one of the neighboring houses. His daughter would have remained, but he forced her away. The huzzas and riotous uproar of the mob were now heard, close at hand. The sound was terrible, and struck Hutchinson with the same sort of dread as if an enraged wild beast had broken loose, and were roaring for its prey. He crept softly to the window. There he beheld an immense concourse of people, filling all the street, and rolling onward to his house. It was like a tempestuous flood, that had swelled beyond its bounds, and would sweep every thing before it. Hutchinson trembled; he felt, at that moment, that the wrath of the people was a thousand-fold more terrible than the wrath of a king. That was a moment when a loyalist and an aristocrat, like Hutchinson, might have learned how powerless are kings, nobles, and great men, when the low and humble range themselves against them. King George could do nothing for his servant now. Had King George been there, he could have done nothing for himself. If Hutchinson had understood this lesson, and remembered it, he need not, in after years, have been an exile from his native country, nor finally have laid his bones in a distant land. There was now a rush against the doors of the house. The people sent up a hoarse cry. At this instant, the lieutenant-governor's daughter, whom he had supposed to be in a place of safety, ran into the room, and threw her arms around him. She had returned by a private entrance. "Father, are you mad!" cried she. "Will the king's name protect you now? Come with me, or they will have your life." "True," muttered Hutchinson to himself; "what care these roarers for the name of king? I must flee, or they will trample me down, on the door of my own dwelling!" Hurrying away, he and his daughter made their escape by the private passage, at the moment when the rioters broke into the house. The foremost of them rushed up the stair-case, and entered the room which Hutchinson had just quitted. There they beheld our good old chair, facing them with quiet dignity, while the lion's head seemed to move its jaws in the unsteady light of their torches. Perhaps the stately aspect of our venerable friend, which had stood firm through a century and a half of trouble, arrested them for an instant. But they were thrust forward by those behind, and the chair lay overthrown. Then began the work of destruction. The carved and polished mahogany tables were shattered with heavy clubs, and hewn to splinters with axes. The marble hearths and mantel pieces were broken. The volumes of Hutchinson's library, so precious to a studious man, were torn out of their covers, and the leaves sent flying out of the windows. Manuscripts, containing secrets of our country's history, which are now lost forever, were scattered to the winds. The old ancestral portraits, whose fixed countenances looked down on the wild scene, were rent from the walls. The mob triumphed in their downfall and destruction, as if these pictures of Hutchinson's forefathers had committed the same offences as their descendant. A tall looking-glass, which had hitherto presented a reflection of the enraged and drunken multitude, was now smashed into a thousand fragments. We gladly dismiss the scene from the mirror of our fancy. Before morning dawned, the walls of the house were all that remained. The interior was a dismal scene of ruin. A shower pattered in at the broken windows, and when Hutchinson and his family returned, they stood shivering in the same room, where the last evening had seen them so peaceful and happy. "Grandfather," said Laurence indignantly, "if the people acted in this manner, they were not worthy of even so much liberty as the king of England was willing to allow them." "It was a most unjustifiable act, like many other popular movements at that time," replied Grandfather. "But we must not decide against the justice of the people's cause, merely because an excited mob was guilty of outrageous violence. Besides, all these things were done in the first fury of resentment. Afterwards, the people grew more calm, and were more influenced by the counsel of those wise and good men who conducted them safely and gloriously through the Revolution." Little Alice, with tears in her blue eyes, said that she hoped the neighbors had not let Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson and his family be homeless in the street, but had taken them into their houses, and been kind to them. Cousin Clara, recollecting the perilous situation of our beloved chair, inquired what had become of it. "Nothing was heard of our chair for sometime afterwards," answered Grandfather. "One day in September, the same Andrew Oliver, of whom I before told you, was summoned to appear at high noon, under Liberty Tree. This was the strangest summons that had ever been heard of; for it was issued in the name of the whole people, who thus took upon themselves the authority of a sovereign power. Mr. Oliver dared not disobey. Accordingly, at the appointed hour, he went, much against his will, to Liberty Tree." Here Charley interposed a remark that poor Mr. Oliver found but little liberty under Liberty Tree. Grandfather assented. "It was a stormy day," continued he. "The equinoctial gale blew violently, and scattered the yellow leaves of Liberty Tree all along the street. Mr. Oliver's wig was dripping with water-drops, and he probably looked haggard, disconsolate, and humbled to the earth. Beneath the tree, in Grandfather's chair,—our own venerable chair,—sat Mr. Richard Dana, a justice of the peace. He administered an oath to Mr. Oliver, that he would never have any thing to do with distributing the stamps. A vast concourse of people heard the oath, and shouted when it was taken." "There is something grand in this," said Laurence. "I like it, because the people seem to have acted with thoughtfulness and dignity; and this proud gentleman, one of his Majesty's high officers, was made to feel that King George could not protect him in doing wrong." "But it was a sad day for poor Mr. Oliver," observed Grandfather. "From his youth upward, it had probably been the great principle of his life, to be faithful and obedient to the king. And now, in his old age, it must have puzzled and distracted him, to find the sovereign people setting up a claim to his faith and obedience." Grandfather closed the evening's conversation by saying that the discontent of America was so great, that, in 1766, the British Parliament was compelled to repeal the Stamp Act. The people made great rejoicings, but took care to keep Liberty Tree well pruned, and free from caterpillars and canker worms. They foresaw, that there might yet be occasion for them to assemble under its far projecting shadow. Chapter IV The next evening, Clara, who remembered that our chair had been left standing in the rain, under Liberty Tree, earnestly besought Grandfather to tell when and where it had next found shelter. Perhaps she was afraid that the venerable chair, by being exposed to the inclemency of a September gale, might get the rheumatism in its aged joints. "The chair," said Grandfather, "after the ceremony of Mr. Oliver's oath, appears to have been quite forgotten by the multitude. Indeed, being much bruised and rather rickety, owing to the violent treatment it had suffered from the Hutchinson mob, most people would have thought that its days of usefulness were over. Nevertheless, it was conveyed away, under cover of the night, and committed to the care of a skilful joiner. He doctored our old friend so successfully, that, in the course of a few days, it made its appearance in the public room of the British Coffee House in King Street." "But why did not Mr. Hutchinson get possession of it again?" inquired Charley. "I know not," answered Grandfather, "unless he considered it a dishonor and disgrace to the chair to have stood under Liberty Tree. At all events, he suffered it to remain at the British Coffee House, which was the principal hotel in Boston. It could not possibly have found a situation, where it would be more in the midst of business and bustle, or would witness more important events, or be occupied by a greater variety of persons." Grandfather went on to tell the proceedings of the despotic king and ministry of England, after the repeal of the Stamp Act. They could not bear to think, that their right to tax America should be disputed by the people. In the year 1767, therefore, they caused Parliament to pass an act for laying a duty on tea, and some other articles that were in general use. Nobody could now buy a pound of tea, without paying a tax to King George. This scheme was pretty craftily contrived; for the women of America were very fond of tea, and did not like to give up the use of it. But the people were as much opposed to this new act of Parliament, as they had been to the Stamp Act. England, however, was determined that they should submit. In order to compel their obedience, two regiments, consisting of more than seven hundred British soldiers, were sent to Boston. They arrived in September, 1768, and were landed on Long Wharf. Thence they marched to the Common, with loaded muskets, fixed bayonets, and great pomp and parade. So now, at last, the free town of Boston was guarded and over-awed by red-coats, as it had been in the days of old Sir Edmund Andros. In the month of November, more regiments arrived. There were now four thousand troops in Boston. The Common was whitened with their tents. Some of the soldiers were lodged in Faneuil Hall, which the inhabitants looked upon as a consecrated place, because it had been the scene of a great many meetings in favor of liberty. One regiment was placed in the town house, which we now call the Old State House. The lower floor of this edifice had hitherto been used by the merchants as an exchange. In the upper stories were the chambers of the judges, the representatives, and the governor's council. The venerable counsellors could not assemble to consult about the welfare of the province, without being challenged by sentinels, and passing among the bayonets of the British soldiers. Sentinels, likewise, were posted at the lodgings of the officers, in many parts of the town. When the inhabitants approached, they were greeted by the sharp question—"Who goes there?" while the rattle of the soldier's musket was heard, as he presented it against their breasts. There was no quiet, even on the Sabbath day. The pious descendants of the Puritans were shocked by the uproar of military music, the drum, fife, and bugle, drowning the holy organ peal and the voices of the singers. It would appear as if the British took every method to insult the feelings of the people. "Grandfather," cried Charley, impatiently, "the people did not go to fighting half soon enough! These British red-coats ought to have been driven back to their vessels, the very moment they landed on Long Wharf." "Many a hot-headed young man said the same as you do, Charley," answered Grandfather. "But the elder and wiser people saw that the time was not yet come. Meanwhile, let us take another peep at our old chair." "Ah, it drooped its head, I know," said Charley, "when it saw how the province was disgraced. Its old Puritan friends never would have borne such doings." "The chair," proceeded Grandfather, "was now continually occupied by some of the high tories, as the king's friends were called, who frequented the British Coffee House. Officers of the custom-house, too, which stood on the opposite side of King Street, often sat in the chair, wagging their tongues against John Hancock." "Why against him?" asked Charley. "Because he was a great merchant, and contended against paying duties to the king," said Grandfather. "Well, frequently, no doubt, the officers of the British regiments, when not on duty, used to fling themselves into the arms of our venerable chair. Fancy one of them, a red nosed captain, in his scarlet uniform, playing with the hilt of his sword, and making a circle of his brother officers merry with ridiculous jokes at the expense of the poor Yankees. And perhaps he would call for a bottle of wine, or a steaming bowl of punch, and drink confusion to all rebels." "Our grave old chair must have been scandalized at such scenes," observed Laurence. "The chair that had been the Lady Arbella's, and which the holy Apostle Eliot had consecrated." "It certainly was little less than sacrilege," replied Grandfather; "but the time was coming, when even the churches, where hallowed pastors had long preached the word of God, were to be torn down or desecrated by the British troops. Some years passed, however, before such things were done." Grandfather now told his auditors, that, in 1769, Sir Francis Bernard went to England, after having been governor of Massachusetts ten years. He was a gentleman of many good qualities, an excellent scholar, and a friend to learning. But he was naturally of an arbitrary disposition; and he had been bred at the University of Oxford, where young men were taught that the divine right of kings was the only thing to be regarded in matters of government. Such ideas were ill adapted to please the people of Massachusetts. They rejoiced to get rid of Sir Francis Bernard, but liked his successor, Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, no better than himself. About this period, the people were much incensed at an act, committed by a person who held an office in the custom-house. Some lads, or young men, were snow-balling his windows. He fired a musket at them and killed a poor German boy, only eleven years old. This event made a great noise in town and country, and much increased the resentment that was already felt against the servants of the crown. "Now, children," said Grandfather, "I wish to make you comprehend the position of the British troops in King Street. This is the same which we now call State Street. On the south side of the town-house, or Old State House, was what military men call a court of guard, defended by two brass cannons, which pointed directly at one of the doors of the above edifice. A large party of soldiers were always stationed in the court of guard. The custom-house stood at a little distance down King Street, nearly where the Suffolk bank now stands; and a sentinel was continually pacing before its front." "I shall remember this, to-morrow," said Charley; "and I will go to State Street, so as to see exactly where the British troops were stationed." "And, before long," observed Grandfather, "I shall have to relate an event, which made King Street sadly famous on both sides of the Atlantic. The history of our chair will soon bring us to this melancholy business." Here Grandfather described the state of things, which arose from the ill-will that existed between the inhabitants and the red-coats. The old and sober part of the town's-people were very angry at the government, for sending soldiers to overawe them. But those gray-headed men were cautious, and kept their thoughts and feelings in their own breasts, without putting themselves in the way of the British bayonets. The younger people, however, could hardly be kept within such prudent limits. They reddened with wrath at the very sight of a soldier, and would have been willing to come to blows with them, at any moment. For it was their opinion, that every tap of a British drum within the peninsula of Boston, was an insult to the brave old town. "It was sometimes the case," continued Grandfather, "that affrays happened between such wild young men as these, and small parties of the soldiers. No weapons had hitherto been used, except fists or cudgels. But, when men have loaded muskets in their hands, it is easy to foretell, that they will soon be turned against the bosoms of those who provoke their anger." "Grandfather," said little Alice, looking fearfully into his face, "your voice sounds as though you were going to tell us something awful!"

Little Alice, by her last remark, proved herself a good judge of what was expressed by the tones of Grandfather's voice. He had given the above description of the enmity between the town's-people and the soldiers, in order to prepare the minds of his auditors for a very terrible event. It was one that did more to heighten the quarrel between England and America, than any thing that had yet occurred.
Without further preface, Grandfather began the story of

THE BOSTON MASSACRE

It was now the 3d of March, 1770. The sunset music of the British regiments was heard, as usual, throughout the town. The shrill fife and rattling drum awoke the echoes in King Street, while the last ray of sunshine was lingering on the cupola of the town-house. And now, all the sentinels were posted. One of them marched up and down before the custom-house, treading a short path through the snow, and longing for the time when he would be dismissed to the warm fire-side of the guard-room. Meanwhile, Captain Preston was perhaps sitting in our great chair, before the hearth of the British Coffee House. In the course of the evening, there were two or three slight commotions, which seemed to indicate that trouble was at hand. Small parties of young men stood at the corners of the streets, or walked along the narrow pavements. Squads of soldiers, who were dismissed from duty, passed by them, shoulder to shoulder, with the regular step which they had learned at the drill. Whenever these encounters took place, it appeared to be the object of the young men to treat the soldiers with as much incivility as possible.
"Turn out, you lobster-backs!" one would say. "Crowd them off the side-walks!" another would cry. "A red-coat has no right in Boston streets."
"Oh, you rebel rascals!" perhaps the soldiers would reply, glaring fiercely at the young men. "Some day or other, we'll make our way through Boston streets, at the point of the bayonet!"
Once or twice, such disputes as these brought on a scuffle; which passed off, however, without attracting much notice. About eight o'clock, for some unknown cause, an alarm bell rang loudly and hurriedly.
At the sound, many people ran out of their houses, supposing it to be an alarm of fire. But there were no flames to be seen; nor was there any smell of smoke in the clear, frosty air; so that most of the townsmen went back to their own fire-sides, and sat talking with their wives and children about the calamities of the times. Others, who were younger and less prudent, remained in the streets; for there seems to have been a presentiment that some strange event was on the eve of taking place.
Later in the evening, not far from nine o'clock, several young men passed by the town-house, and walked down King Street. The sentinel was still on his post, in front of the custom-house, pacing to and fro, while, as he turned, a gleam of light, from some neighboring window, glittered on the barrel of his musket. At no great distance were the barracks and the guard-house, where his comrades were probably telling stories of battle and bloodshed.
Down towards the custom-house, as I told you, came a party of wild young men. When they drew near the sentinel, he halted on his post, and took his musket from his shoulder, ready to present the bayonet at their breasts.
"Who goes there?" he cried, in the gruff, peremptory tones of a soldier's challenge.
The young men, being Boston boys, felt as if they had a right to walk their own streets, without being accountable to a British red-coat, even though he challenged them in King George's name. They made some rude answer to the sentinel. There was a dispute, or, perhaps a scuffle. Other soldiers heard the noise, and ran hastily from the barracks, to assist their comrade. At the same time, many of the town's-people rushed into King Street, by various avenues, and gathered in a crowd round about the custom-house. It seemed wonderful how such a multitude had started up, all of a sudden.
The wrongs and insults, which the people had been suffering for many months, now kindled them into a rage. They threw snow-balls and lumps of ice at the soldiers. As the tumult grew louder, it reached the ears of Captain Preston, the officer of the day. He immediately ordered eight soldiers of the main guard to take their muskets and follow him. They marched across the street, forcing their way roughly through the crowd, and pricking the town's-people with their bayonets.
A gentleman, (it was Henry Knox, afterwards general of the American artillery,) caught Captain Preston's arm.
"For Heaven's sake, sir," exclaimed he, take heed what you do, or here will be bloodshed."
"Stand aside!" answered Captain Preston, haughtily. "Do not interfere, sir. Leave me to manage the affair."
Arriving at the sentinel's post, Captain Preston drew up his men in a semi-circle, with their faces to the crowd and their rear to the custom-house. "When the people saw the officer, and beheld the threatening attitude with which the soldiers fronted them, their rage became almost uncontrollable.
"Fire, you lobster-backs!" bellowed some.
"You dare not fire, you cowardly red-coats," cried others.
"Rush upon them!" shouted many voices. "Drive the rascals to their barracks! Down with them! Down with them! Let them fire, if they dare!"
Amid the uproar, the soldiers stood glaring at the people, with the fierceness of men whose trade was to shed blood.
Oh, what a crisis had now arrived! Up to this very moment, the angry feelings between England and America might have been pacified. England had but to stretch out the hand of reconciliation, and acknowledge that she had hitherto mistaken her rights but would do so no more. Then, the ancient bonds of brotherhood would again have been knit together, as firmly as in old times. The habit of loyalty, which had grown as strong as instinct, was not utterly overcome. The perils shared, the victories won, in the Old French War, when the soldiers of the colonies fought side by side with their comrades from beyond the sea, were unforgotten yet. England was still that beloved country which the colonists called their home. King George, though he had frowned upon America, was still reverenced as a father.
But, should the king's soldiers shed one drop of American blood, then it was a quarrel to the death. Never—never would America rest satisfied, until she had torn down the royal authority, and trampled it in the dust.
"Fire, if you dare, villains!" hoarsely shouted the people, while the muzzles of the muskets were turned upon them; "you dare not fire!"
They appeared ready to rush upon the levelled bayonets. Captain Preston waved his sword, and uttered a command which could not be distinctly heard, amid the uproar of shouts that issued from a hundred throats. But his soldiers deemed that he had spoken the fatal mandate—"fire!" The flash of their muskets lighted up the street, and the report rang loudly between the edifices. It was said, too, that the figure of a man with a cloth hanging down over his face, was seen to step into the balcony of the custom-house, and discharge a musket at the crowd.
A gush of smoke had overspread the scene. It rose heavily, as if it were loath to reveal the dreadful spectacle beneath it. Eleven of the sons of New England lay stretched upon the street. Some, sorely wounded, were struggling to rise again. Others stirred not, nor groaned, for they were past all pain. Blood was streaming upon the snow; and that purple stain, in the midst of King Street, though it melted away in the next day's sun, was never forgotten nor forgiven by the people.

Grandfather was interrupted by the violent sobs of little Alice. In his earnestness, he had neglected to soften down the narrative, so that it might not terrify the heart of this unworldly infant. Since Grandfather began the history of our chair, little Alice had listened to many tales of war. But, probably, the idea had never really impressed itself upon her mind, that men have shed the blood of their fellow-creatures. And now that this idea was forcibly presented to her, it affected the sweet child with bewilderment and horror.
"I ought to have remembered our dear little Alice," said Grandfather reproachfully to himself. "Oh, what a pity! Her heavenly nature has now received its first impression of earthly sin and violence. Well, Clara, take her to bed, and comfort her. Heaven grant that she may dream away the recollection of the Boston Massacre!"
"Grandfather," said Charley, when Clara and little Alice had retired, "did not the people rush upon the soldiers, and take revenge?"
"The town drums beat to arms," replied Grandfather, "the alarm bells rang, and an immense multitude rushed into King Street. Many of them had weapons in their hands. The British prepared to defend themselves. A whole regiment was drawn up in the street, expecting an attack; for the townsmen appeared ready to throw themselves upon the bayonets."
"And how did it end?" asked Charley.
"Governor Hutchinson hurried to the spot," said Grandfather, "and besought the people to have patience, promising that strict justice should be done. A day or two afterward, the British troops were withdrawn from town, and stationed at Castle William. Captain Preston and the eight soldiers were tried for murder. But none of them were found guilty. The judges told the jury that the insults and violence which had been offered to the soldiers, justified them in firing at the mob."
"The Revolution," observed Laurence, who had said but little during the evening, "was not such a calm, majestic movement as I supposed. I do not love to hear of mobs and broils in the street. These things were unworthy of the people, when they had such a great object to accomplish."
"Nevertheless, the world has seen no grander movement than that of our Revolution, from first to last," said Grandfather. "The people, to a man, were full of a great and noble sentiment. True, there may be much fault to find with their mode of expressing this sentiment; but they knew no better—the necessity was upon them to act out their feelings, in the best manner they could. We must forgive what was wrong in their actions, and look into their hearts and minds for the honorable motives that impelled them."
"And I suppose," said Laurence, "there were men who knew how to act worthily of what they felt."
"There were many such," replied Grandfather, "and we will speak of some of them, hereafter."
Grandfather here made a pause. That night, Charley had a dream about the Boston Massacre, and thought that he himself was in the crowd, and struck down Captain Preston with a great club. Laurence dreamed that he was sitting in our great chair, at the window of the British Coffee House, and beheld the whole scene which Grandfather had described. It seemed to him, in his dream, that if the town's-people and the soldiers would but have heard him speak a single word, all the slaughter might have been averted. But there was such an uproar that it drowned his voice.
The next morning, the two boys went together to State Street, and stood on the very spot where the first blood of the Revolution had been shed. The Old State House was still there, presenting almost the same aspect that it had worn on that memorable evening, one-and-seventy years ago. It is the sole remaining witness of the Boston Massacre.

Chapter VI

The next evening the astral lamp was lighted earlier than usual, because Laurence was very much engaged in looking over the collection of portraits which had been his New Year's gift from Grandfather.
Among them he found the features of more than one famous personage who had been connected with the adventures of our old chair. Grandfather bade him draw the table nearer to the fire-side; and they looked over the portraits together, while Clara and Charley likewise lent their attention. As for little Alice, she sat in Grandfather's lap, and seemed to see the very men alive, whose faces were there represented.
Turning over the volume, Laurence came to the portrait of a stern, grim-looking man, in plain attire, of much more modern fashion than that of the old Puritans. But the face might well have befitted one of those iron-hearted men. Beneath the portrait was the name of Samuel Adams.
"He was a man of great note in all the doings that brought about the Revolution," said Grandfather. "His character was such, that it seemed as if one of the ancient Puritans had been sent back to earth, to animate the people's hearts with the same abhorrence of tyranny, that had distinguished the earliest settlers. He was as religious as they, as stern and inflexible, and as deeply imbued with democratic principles. He, better than any one else, may be taken as a representative of the people of New England, and of the spirit with which they engaged in the revolutionary struggle. He was a poor man, and earned his bread by an humble occupation; but with his tongue and pen, he made the king of England tremble on his throne. Remember him, my children, as one of the strong men of our country."
"Here is one whose looks show a very different character," observed Laurence, turning to the portrait of John Hancock. "I should think, by his splendid dress and courtly aspect, that he was one of the king's friends."
"There never was a greater contrast than between Samuel Adams and John Hancock," said Grandfather. "Yet they were of the same side in politics, and had an equal agency in the Revolution. Hancock was born to the inheritance of the largest fortune in New England. His tastes and habits were aristocratic. He loved gorgeous attire, a splendid mansion, magnificent furniture, stately festivals, and all that was glittering and pompous in external things. His manners were so polished, that there stood not a nobleman at the footstool of King George's throne, who was a more skilful courtier than John Hancock might have been. Nevertheless, he, in his embroidered clothes, and Samuel Adams in his threadbare coat, wrought together in the cause of liberty. Adams acted from pure and rigid principle. Hancock, though he loved his country, yet thought quite as much of his own popularity as he did of the people's rights. It is remarkable, that these two men, so very different as I describe them, were the only two exempted from pardon by the king's proclamation."
On the next leaf of the book, was the portrait of General Joseph Warren. Charley recognized the name, and said that here was a greater man than either Hancock or Adams.
"Warren was an eloquent and able patriot," replied Grandfather. "He deserves a lasting memory for his zealous efforts in behalf of liberty. No man's voice was more powerful in Faneuil Hall than Joseph Warren's. If his death had not happened so early in the contest, he would probably have gained a high name as a soldier."
The next portrait was a venerable man, who held his thumb under his chin, and, through his spectacles, appeared to be attentively reading a manuscript.
"Here we see the most illustrious Boston boy that ever lived," said Grandfather. "This is Benjamin Franklin! But I will not try to compress, into a few sentences, the character of the sage, who, as a Frenchman expressed it, snatched the lightning from the sky, and the sceptre from a tyrant. Mr. Sparks must help you to the knowledge of Franklin."
The book likewise contained portraits of James Otis and Josiah Quincy. Both of them, Grandfather observed, were men of wonderful talents and true patriotism. Their voices were like the stirring tones of a trumpet, arousing the country to defend its freedom. Heaven seemed to have provided a greater number of eloquent men than had appeared at any other period, in order that the people might be fully instructed as to their wrongs, and the method of resistance.
"It is marvellous," said Grandfather, "to see how many powerful writers, orators, and soldiers started up, just at the time when they were wanted. There was a man for every kind of work. It is equally wonderful, that men of such different characters were all made to unite in the one object of establishing the freedom and independence of America. There was an overruling Providence above them."
"Here was another great man," remarked Laurence, pointing to the portrait of John Adams.
"Yes; an earnest, warm-tempered, honest, and most able man," said Grandfather. "At the period of which we are now speaking, he was a lawyer in Boston. He was destined, in after years, to be ruler over the whole American people, whom he contributed so much to form into a nation."
Grandfather here remarked, that many a New Englander, who had passed his boyhood and youth in obscurity, afterward attained to a fortune, which he never could have foreseen, even in his most ambitious dreams. John Adams, the second president of the United States, and the equal of crowned kings, was once a schoolmaster and country lawyer. Hancock, the first signer of the Declaration of Independence, served his apprenticeship with a merchant. Samuel Adams, afterward governor of Massachusetts, was a small tradesman and a tax-gatherer. General Warren was a physician, General Lincoln a farmer, and General Knox a bookbinder. General Nathaniel Greene, the best soldier, except Washington, in the revolutionary army, was a Quaker and a blacksmith. All these became illustrious men, and can never be forgotten in American history.
"And any boy, who is born in America, may look forward to the same things," said our ambitious friend Charley.
After these observations, Grandfather drew the book of portraits towards him, and showed the children several British peers and members of Parliament, who had exerted themselves either for or against the rights of America. There were the Earl of Bute, Mr. Grenville, and Lord North. These were looked upon as deadly enemies to our country.
Among the friends of America was Mr. Pitt, afterward Earl of Chatham, who spent so much of his wondrous eloquence in endeavoring to warn England of the consequences of her injustice. He fell down on the floor of the House of Lords, after uttering almost his dying words in defence of our privileges as freemen. There was Edmund Burke, one of the wisest men and greatest orators that ever the world produced. There was Colonel Barré, who had been among our fathers, and knew that they had courage enough to die for their rights. There was Charles James Fox, who never rested until he had silenced our enemies in the House of Commons.
"It is very remarkable to observe how many of the ablest orators in the British Parliament were favorable to America," said Grandfather. "We ought to remember these great Englishmen with gratitude; for their speeches encouraged our fathers, almost as much as those of our own orators, in Faneuil Hall, and under Liberty Tree. Opinions, which might have been received with doubt, if expressed only by a native American, were set down as true, beyond dispute, when they came from the lips of Chatham, Burke, Barré, or Fox."
"But, Grandfather," asked Laurence, "were there no able and eloquent men in this country who took the part of King George?"
"There were many men of talent, who said what they could in defence of the king's tyrannical proceedings," replied Grandfather. "But they had the worst side of the argument, and therefore seldom said any thing worth remembering. Moreover their hearts were faint and feeble; for they felt that the people scorned and detested them. They had no friends, no defence, except in the bayonets of the British troops. A blight fell upon all their faculties, because they were contending against the rights of their own native land."
"What were the names of some of them?" inquired Charley.
"Governor Hutchinson, Chief Justice Oliver, Judge Auchmuty, the Reverend Mather Byles, and several other clergymen, were among the most noted loyalists," answered Grandfather.
"I wish the people had tarred and feathered every man of them!" cried Charley.
"That wish is very wrong, Charley," said Grandfather. "You must not think that there was no integrity and honor, except among those who stood up for the freedom of America. For aught I know, there was quite as much of these qualities on one side as on the other. Do you see nothing admirable in a faithful adherence to an unpopular cause? Can you not respect that principle of loyalty, which made the royalists give up country, friends, fortune, every thing, rather than be false to their king? It was a mistaken principle; but many of them cherished it honorably, and were martyrs to it."
"Oh, I was wrong!" said Charley, ingenuously. "And I would risk my life, rather than one of those good old royalists should be tarred and feathered."
"The time is now come, when we may judge fairly of them," continued Grandfather. "Be the good and true men among them honored; for they were as much our countrymen as the patriots were. And, thank Heaven! our country need not be ashamed of her sons—of most of them, at least—whatever side they took in the revolutionary contest."
Among the portraits was one of King George the Third. Little Alice clapped her hands, and seemed pleased with the bluff good nature of his physiognomy. But Laurence thought it strange, that a man with such a face, indicating hardly a common share of intellect, should have had influence enough on human affairs, to convulse the world with war. Grandfather observed, that this poor king had always appeared to him one of the most unfortunate persons that ever lived. He was so honest and conscientious, that, if he had been only a private man, his life would probably have been blameless and happy. But his was that worst of fortunes, to be placed in a station far beyond his abilities.
"And so," said Grandfather, "his life, while he retained what intellect Heaven had gifted him with, was one long mortification. At last, he grew crazed with care and trouble. For nearly twenty years, the monarch of England was confined as a madman. In his old age, too, God took away his eyesight; so that his royal palace was nothing to him but a dark, lonesome prison-house."

Chapter VII

"Our old chair," resumed Grandfather, "did not now stand in the midst of a gay circle of British officers. The troops, as I told you, had been removed to Castle William, immediately after the Boston Massacre. Still, however, there were many tories, custom-house officers, and Englishmen, who used to assemble in the British Coffee House, and talk over the affairs of the period. Matters grew worse and worse; and in 1773, the people did a deed, which incensed the king and ministry more than any of their former doings."
Grandfather here described the affair, which is known by the name of the Boston Tea Party. The Americans, for some time past, had left off importing tea, on account of the oppressive tax. The East India Company, in London, had a large stock of tea on hand, which they had expected to sell to the Americans, but could find no market for it. But, after a while, the government persuaded this company of merchants to send the tea to America.
"How odd it is," observed Clara, "that the liberties of America should have had any thing to do with a cup of tea!"
Grandfather smiled, and proceeded with his narrative. When the people of Boston heard that several cargoes of tea were coming across the Atlantic, they held a great many meetings at Faneuil Hall, in the Old South church, and under Liberty Tree. In the midst of their debates, three ships arrived in the harbor with the tea on board. The people spent more than a fortnight in consulting what should be done. At last, on the 16th of December, 1773, they demanded of Governor Hutchinson, that he should immediately send the ships back to England.
The governor replied that the ships must not leave the harbor, until the custom-house duties upon the tea should be paid. Now, the payment of these duties was the very thing, against which the people had set their faces; because it was a tax, unjustly imposed upon America by the English government. Therefore, in the dusk of the evening, as soon as Governor Hutchinson's reply was received, an immense crowd hastened to Griffin's Wharf, where the tea-ships lay. The place is now called Liverpool Wharf.
"When the crowd reached the wharf," said Grandfather, "they saw that a set of wild-looking figures were already on board of the ships. You would have imagined that the Indian warriors, of old times, had come back again; for they wore the Indian dress, and had their faces covered with red and black paint, like the Indians, when they go to war. These grim figures hoisted the tea chests on the decks of the vessels, broke them open, and threw all the contents into the harbor."
"Grandfather," said little Alice, "I suppose Indians don't love tea; else they would never waste it so."
"They were not real Indians, my child," answered Grandfather. "They were white men, in disguise; because a heavy punishment would have been inflicted on them, if the king's officers had found who they were. But it was never known. From that day to this, though the matter has been talked of by all the world, nobody can tell the names of those Indian figures. Some people say that there were very famous men among them, who afterwards became governors and generals. Whether this be true, I cannot tell."
When tidings of this bold deed were carried to England, King George was greatly enraged. Parliament immediately passed an act, by which all vessels were forbidden to take in or discharge their cargoes at the port of Boston. In this way, they expected to ruin all the merchants, and starve the poor people, by depriving them of employment. At the same time, another act was passed, taking away many rights and privileges which had been granted in the charter of Massachusetts.
Governor Hutchinson, soon afterward, was summoned to England, in order that he might give his advice about the management of American affairs. General Gage, an officer of the Old French War, and since commander-in-chief of the British forces in America, was appointed governor in his stead. One of his first acts, was to make Salem, instead of Boston, the metropolis of Massachusetts, by summoning the General Court to meet there.
According to Grandfather's description, this was the most gloomy time that Massachusetts had ever seen. The people groaned under as heavy a tyranny as in the days of Sir Edmund Andros. Boston looked as if it were afflicted with some dreadful pestilence,—so sad were the inhabitants, and so desolate the streets. There was no cheerful hum of business. The merchants shut up their warehouses, and the laboring men stood idle about the wharves. But all America felt interested in the good town of Boston; and contributions were raised, in many places, for the relief of the poor inhabitants.
"Our dear old chair!" exclaimed Clara. "How dismal it must have been now!"
"Oh," replied Grandfather, "a gay throng of officers had now come back to the British Coffee House; so that the old chair had no lack of mirthful company. Soon after General Gage became governor, a great many troops had arrived, and were encamped upon the Common. Boston was now a garrisoned and fortified town; for the general had built a battery across the neck, on the road to Roxbury, and placed guards for its defence. Every thing looked as if a civil war were close at hand."
"Did the people make ready to fight?" asked Charley.
"A continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia," said Grandfather, "and proposed such measures as they thought most conducive to the public good. A provincial Congress was likewise chosen in Massachusetts. They exhorted the people to arm and discipline themselves. A great number of minute men were enrolled. The Americans called them minute men, because they engaged to be ready to fight at a minute's warning. The English officers laughed, and said that the name was a very proper one, because the minute men would run away the the minute they saw the enemy. Whether they would fight or run, was soon to be proved."
Grandfather told the children, that the first open resistance offered to the British troops, in the province of Massachusetts was at Salem. Colonel Timothy Pickering, with thirty or forty militia men, prevented the English colonel, Leslie, with four times as many regular soldiers, from taking possession of some military stores. No blood was shed on this occasion; but, soon afterward, it began to flow.
General Gage sent eight hundred soldiers to Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston, to destroy some ammunition and provisions which the colonists had collected there. They set out on their march in the evening of the 18th of April, 1775. The next morning, the General sent Lord Percy, with nine hundred men, to strengthen the troops which had gone before. All that day, the inhabitants of Boston heard various rumors. Some said, that the British were making great slaughter among our countrymen. Others affirmed that every man had turned out with his musket, and that not a single soldier would ever get back to Boston.
"It was after sunset," continued Grandfather, "when the troops, who had marched forth so proudly, were seen entering Charlestown. They were covered with dust, and so hot and weary that their tongues hung out of their mouths. Many of them were faint with wounds. They had not all returned. Nearly three hundred were strewn, dead or dying, along the road from Concord. The yeomanry had risen upon the invaders, and driven them back."
"Was this the battle of Lexington?" asked Charley.
"Yes," replied Grandfather; "it was so called, because the British, without provocation, had fired upon a party of minute men, near Lexington meeting-house, and killed eight of them. That fatal volley, which was fired by order of Major Pitcairn, began the war of the Revolution."
About this time, if Grandfather had been correctly informed, our chair disappeared from the British Coffee House. The manner of its departure cannot be satisfactorily ascertained. Perhaps the keeper of the Coffee House turned it out of doors, on account of its old-fashioned aspect. Perhaps he sold it as a curiosity. Perhaps it was taken, without leave, by some person who regarded it as public property, because it had once figured under Liberty Tree. Or, perhaps, the old chair, being of a peaceable disposition, had made use of its four oaken legs, and run away from the seat of war.
"It would have made a terrible clattering over the pavement," said Charley, laughing.
"Meanwhile," continued Grandfather, "during the mysterious non-appearance of our chair, an army of twenty thousand men had started up, and come to the siege of Boston. General Gage and his troops were cooped up within the narrow precincts of the peninsula. On the 17th of June, 1775, the famous battle of Bunker Hill was fought. Here General Warren fell. The British got the victory, indeed, but with the loss of more than a thousand officers and men."
"O, Grandfather," cried Charley, "you must tell us about that famous battle."
"No, Charley," said Grandfather, "I am not like other historians. Battles shall not hold a prominent place in the history of our quiet and comfortable old chair. But, to-morrow evening, Laurence, Clara, and yourself, and dear little Alice too, shall visit the Diorama of Bunker Hill. There you shall see the whole business, the burning of Charlestown and all, with your own eyes, and hear the cannon and musketry with your own ears."

Chapter VIII

The next evening but one, when the children had given Grandfather a full account of the Diorama of Bunker Hill, they entreated him not to keep them any longer in suspense about the fate of his chair. The reader will recollect, that at the last accounts, it had trotted away upon its poor old legs, nobody knew whither. But, before gratifying their curiosity, Grandfather found it necessary to say something about public events.
The continental Congress, which was assembled at Philadelphia, was composed of delegates from all the colonies. They had now appointed George Washington, of Virginia, to be commander-in-chief of all the American armies. He was, at that time, a member of Congress, but immediately left Philadelphia, and began his journey to Massachusetts. On the 3d of July, 1775, he arrived at Cambridge, and took command of the troops which were besieging General Gage.
"O, Grandfather," exclaimed Laurence, "it makes my heart throb to think what is coming now. We are to see General Washington himself."
The children crowded around Grandfather, and looked earnestly into his face. Even little Alice opened her sweet blue eyes, with her lips apart, and almost held her breath to listen; so instinctive is the reverence of childhood for the father of his country. Grandfather paused a moment; for he felt as if it might be irreverent to introduce the hallowed shade of Washington into a history, where an ancient elbow chair occupied the most prominent place. However, he determined to proceed with his narrative, and speak of the hero when it was needful, but with an unambitious simplicity.
So Grandfather told his auditors, that, on General Washington's arrival at Cambridge, his first care was, to reconnoitre the British troops with his spy-glass, and to examine the condition of his own army. He found that the American troops amounted to about fourteen thousand men. They were extended all round the peninsula of Boston, a space of twelve miles, from the high grounds of Roxbury on the right, to Mystic river on the left. Some were living in tents of sail-cloth, some in shanties, rudely constructed of boards, some in huts of stone or turf, with curious windows and doors of basket-work.
In order to be near the centre, and oversee the whole of this wide-stretched army, the commander-in-chief made his head-quarters at Cambridge, about half a mile from the colleges. A mansion-house, which perhaps had been the country-seat of some tory gentleman, was provided for his residence.
"When General Washington first entered this mansion," said Grandfather, "he was ushered up the stair-case, and shown into a handsome apartment. He sat down in a large chair, which was the most conspicuous object in the room. The noble figure of Washington would have done honor to a throne. As he sat there, with his hand resting on the hilt of his sheathed sword, which was placed between his knees, his whole aspect well befitted the chosen man on whom his country leaned for the defence of her dearest rights. America seemed safe, under his protection. His face was grander than any sculptor had ever wrought in marble; none could behold him without awe and reverence. Never before had the lion's head, at the summit of the chair, looked down upon such a face and form as Washington's!"
"Why! Grandfather," cried Clara, clasping her hands in amazement, "was it really so? Did General Washington sit in our great chair?"
"I knew how it would be," said Laurence; "I foresaw it, the moment Grandfather began to speak."
Grandfather smiled. But, turning from the personal and domestic life of the illustrious leader, he spoke of the methods which Washington adopted to win back the metropolis of New England from the British.
The army, when he took command of it, was without any discipline or order. The privates considered themselves as good as their officers, and seldom thought it necessary to obey their commands, unless they understood the why and wherefore. Moreover, they were enlisted for so short a period, that, as soon as they began to be respectable soldiers, it was time to discharge them. Then came new recruits, who had to be taught their duty, before they could be of any service. Such was the army, with which Washington had to contend against more than twenty veteran British regiments.
Some of the men had no muskets, and almost all were without bayonets. Heavy cannon, for battering the British fortifications, were much wanted. There was but a small quantity of powder and ball, few tools to build entrenchments with, and a great deficiency of provisions and clothes for the soldiers. Yet, in spite of these perplexing difficulties, the eyes of the whole people were fixed on General Washington, expecting him to undertake some great enterprise against the hostile army.
The first thing that he found necessary, was to bring his own men into better order and discipline. It is wonderful how soon he transformed this rough mob of country people into the semblance of a regular army. One of Washington's most invaluable characteristics, was the faculty of bringing order out of confusion. All business, with which he had any concern, seemed to regulate itself, as if by magic. The influence of his mind was like light, gleaming through an unshaped world. It was this faculty, more than any other, that made him so fit to ride upon the storm of the Revolution, when every thing was unfixed, and drifting about in a troubled sea.
"Washington had not been long at the head of the army," proceeded Grandfather, "before his soldiers thought as highly of him, as if he had led them to a hundred victories. They knew that he was the very man whom the country needed, and the only one who could bring them safely through the great contest against the might of England. They put entire confidence in his courage, wisdom, and integrity."
"And were not they eager to follow him against the British?" asked Charley.
"Doubtless they would have gone whithersoever his sword pointed the way," answered Grandfather; "and Washington was anxious to make a decisive assault upon the enemy. But as the enterprise was very hazardous, he called a council of all the generals in the army. Accordingly, they came from their different posts, and were ushered into the reception room. The commander-in-chief arose from our great chair to greet them."
"What were their names?" asked Charley.
"There was General Artemas Ward," replied Grandfather, a "lawyer by profession. He had commanded the troops before Washington's arrival. Another was General Charles Lee, who had been a colonel in the English army, and was thought to possess vast military science. He came to the council, followed by two or three dogs, who were always at his heels. There was General Putnam, too, who was known all over New England by the name of Old Put."
"Was it he who killed the wolf?" inquired Charley.

Ephemeropteren und Trichopteren von Nowaja Semlja Ephemeral Civilization Dizem autorizados mineiros e escaphandristas da archeologia humana (aquelles curiosos espiritos que vivem mergulhados ou entocados em civilizações esboroadas ou submersas), dizem elles que, desde a Grécia heróica, o exercício dessa tri-cultura foi uma constante preoccupação publica e privada. Não me consta, porém, que, já naquelles tem- pos, tenham ellas (as três culturas) apparecido si- multaneamente em um só homem. Não sei si Plutarcho, um dos precursores e exe- getas da cultura moral, teria tido ao mesmo tempo, a sabedoria profunda de Aristóteles e a muscula- tura épica de Achilles, ou si, por exemplo, Leonidas, avistando-se, porventura, no tempo e no espaço com o Thales de Mileto e o Catão romano, juntaria ao seu heroísmo das Thermopylas o de levar á parede, no sentido scientifico, o fundador da escola jonia e ao prototypo da moral-fiscal de posteriores tempos, mais austeros. Sei, entretanto, que, em nossos dias, as três culturas raramente se encontram associadas. Dir-se- ia de cada uma delias ser um ramo isolado de ar- vores differentes, entre si enxertadas artificialmente como ensaio botânico daquelle sinistro roble teuto- nico preconizado por Maximiliano Harden — sym- bolo vegetal da philosophia da Força. E' certo que em Maurício Maetterlihk, aqui ci- tado pela necessidade de exemplificar, se encon- — -26 — tram, mais ou menos, os lios ramos. O maravilhoso estheta, que, pela vastidão da sua cultura literária e scientifica, é uma espécie de J. H. Fabre das flo- res, como do ])roprio Fabre se diz ter sido «o Virgilio dos insectos-), ])ratica sinceramente a moral do seu uso e é, ao que li algures, um verdadeiro athleta. A sua cabeça gloriosa assenta sobre um i)escoco á Paul Pons e esse bovino i)escoco se atarraclia num thorax entumecido o largo como o de Johnson, o boxcr. Mas é um exem})Io isolado. Não se conseguiria reunir dez nomes de intellectuaes, que, intencional- mente, se. houvessem feito dreadnouf/Ids anthropoi- cos. Isso é, talvez, lamentável, porque o ideal seria, sem duvida, achar no mesmo homem a intelligencia, a virtude e a forca. Esse ideal é, aliás, pouco attingi- vel, principalmente no B]'asil, onde as coisas mais simplices acabam sempre em exaggerações pernós- ticas. Começamos em confundir cultura phusica com cultura cdhletica e acabamos em deformar esta em theatralismo muscular da forca, pervertido em exhi- bição elegante, com torneios de circo e palpites de jogo- Soubemos, um dia, que os inglezes e norte-ame- ricanos, na estação própria e sem prejuízo á linha dos seus destinos naturaes e deveres sociaes e profissio- naes, cultivavam o foot-ball, a equitação, o rowing, — 27 — etc, e desde logo se creon enfro nós o snobismo dos músculos, e o próprio poder pubíico entrou a colla- borar na moda nova. fomentando-a com subvenrões e estímulos. Desde então, ás velhas pragas do bacharelis- mo, do burocratismo e do literahsmo, aliás pragas inoffensivas e de intuitos quasi sempre nobilíssimos, se incorporou a praga nova do sporlismo, praga até certo ponto nefasta, porque, sendo o brasileiro natu- ralmente éxaggerado, immelhodico — e incapaz, por isso, de fazer duas coisas úteis, ao mesmo tempo — a doença do sportismo fez, pouco a pouco, das escolas e dos lyceus Jogares massantes ou Von s'ennuie. . . Ha cerca de dez annos — vêm minguando con- sideravelmente as gerações de bons estudantes. A preoccupação de «bancos de honra', medalhas, pré- mios, menções honrosas, só tem guarida actualmen- te em meia dúzia de cspiritos ingénuos, provincia- nos... Os programmas escolares ficam sempre re- duzidos ao terço e nos exames íinaes, só é sorteavel o terço desse terço ! o o Para compensar, os grounds e os siands se en- chem. E, para completar o desjDortismo diurno, ha o desportismo nocturno, os clubs elegantes, os jo- gos da meia-noite, os vicios modernos. E', aliás, muito accentuavel que essa mocidade galhofeira é quasi sempre inteiligentissima e tem ar- — 28 — gumentos atticos para a defeza do seu desmantelo galante. Ler e escrever ? perguntam. Ora, Moysés não sabia ler como nós e fez o Decálogo... Escrever? Ora, gastar pennas e aprender calligraphia, quando já ha machinas tão aperfeiçoadas. . . Estudar linguas, línguas vivas ? Ora, aprende- mol-as, praticamente, no cabaret ou no transatlân- tico . . . Alguns, porém, sabem escrever e fazem con- curso para empregos, nas repartições. Escrevem. Mas, incapazes ainda mesmo de copiar, são designa- dos pelos chefes de serviço para lançar nas copias o «confere» regulamentar. Tomam então da penna e começam a escrever «confere» : — Com . . . tem um ou dois ff? E, á natural risada do collega, respondem : Ora, menino. Adopte a phonelica. . . Para esse estado de coisas tem contribuído se- riamente o sportismo, isto é, a mania do desporto, substituindo a cultura physica mais discreta e, so- bretudo, a educação mental. E cumpre assignalar que o que se convencio- nou chamar aqui cultura physica, nada tem a ver com o corpore sano dos antigos. Dou mais pela sanidade physica do sr. Ruy Bar- bosa, que, através de enfermidades intensas e cons- tantes luctas no foro, no jornal, no parlamento e nos — 29 — comícios, conseguiu, sob uma disciplina physica de atheniense, chegar aos 66 annos com uma admirável resistência de saúde, capaz de viajar dias inteiros e discursar horas a fio, do que pela arrogância de cer- tos athletas que, sobre pés tortos e pernas arqueadas, assentam um corpo formidável, protuberando num thorax de ferro e desgalhando em braços cujos bi- cipites parecem kistos de aço encrustados nos tecidos. Nas escolas femininas, notadamente nos collegios a que chamarei «internacionaes», tão recommendados á frequência das meninas ricas, a degeneração gra- photypica é, sobre mais perigosa, mais esthetica, pois que, mantido o uso da penna, se inventou a moda de escrever á ingleza, de sorte que todas meninas têm, incaracteristicamente, a mesma letra — uma letra carregada e angulosa, com lançacos que sobem, remadas que descem, uma liorrivel letra que acutila, mas, pelo menos, é certa e decifravel. E — curioso ! é essa a letra da elegância, a le- tra da grande-roda feminina . . . Sempre se entendeu que só ha elegância onde ha distincção. Conheciam-se as grandes damas pelo talhe fino da letra, pela serenidade, ou vivacidade dos traços. Uma carta feminina trahia desde logo uma mulher, e, ás vezes, a determinada mulher que a escrevera. Havia, por assim dizer, uma escripta pessoal, inconfundivel, nobre, fidalga. Nisso, a dis- tincção. Hoje a «distincção» consiste na «democracia» ; a letra de uma menina ou a de uma senhora é a de to- das as meninas e senhoras : sacudida, angulada, es- petiforme, e essa democracia acutilante é, . . é chie, distincta, é fidalguissima. , . Ha vantagem, não obstante. A letra é legível. — 6-2 — E, com ser vulgar, pôde ser belJa. E, si não iia bel- Jeza, pelo menos ha clareza. Isso, quanto a senhoras e senliorinhas. Mas a escrii)ia dos rapazes é um clamor ! Não sabem escrever. Ha uma repulsa fatídica entre os seus dedos e a canneta. Já era assim, ha tempos. Modernamente, com o apparecimento das machinas de escrever, o fiarei- lo da garatuja é epidemia, devastação, arrasamento. Não sabem escrever ! Não sabem e atacam as van- tagens de sabel-o. Para que escrever ? E' mais bello e mais pratico dactylographar. . . Parece um argimiento, mas é apenas uma eva- siva. Nem é mais bello, nem é mais pratico. Admittido, porém, que o fosse, ainda assim se- ria necessário calligraphar ou, pelo menos, exercitar a bòa escripta. Pelo facto de existir o arado, não se segue que a enxada é inútil. Mais expedita que as mãos huma- nas é a machina de costura. Veio a machina. mas os trabalhos manuaes de agulha, a arte da costura, o bordado, o crochet, os labyrinthos, etc, ficaram cada vez mais valorizados e mais nobres. Assim a dactylographia phoderia ser mais rápida que a manuscriptura e, por isso, mais pratica. . .

 Juízos EPHÉMERos : prosa ligeira, jornadeando
 ao acaso, conceitos em transito, 
idéas de livre curso, vozes que se perdem, cantando, 
no diapasão do vozeio geral. 

São paginas, menos escriptas do que salpicadas, 
em borrifo, a cada moiivo da vida, a cada impressão 
do mundo, na órbita dos meus senlidos e na ordem das 
minhas cogitações. 

Quando, bem ou mal, se adquire fama de poeta 
(porque a evidencia literária, ou politica, vesle de ru- 
bro as criaiaras mais incolores), escusado esforço é. 
todo surto para outros horizontes. 

Bem assim que o azeite sobrenada á agua, o titulo 
de poeta, o sello do parnaso, fica boiando á tona, em 
todos os mergulhos a que se aventure o escriptor — na 
industria, na sciencia, nas Letras prosaicas. 



Pôde elle afundar, bencdiclinamenle. nos claus- 
tros e nas bibliothecas, nos laboratórios, nas retortas : 
nunca será, no consenso, um chimico, um historiador, 
um sábio. Prosas que escreva, lastreadas, porventura, 
de algarismos pesados, principias graves, indagações 
profundas — são, irremissivelmente, prosas de poeta. . . 

E não se quer ver que o poeta é, como nós todos., 
o twmem de seu lempo, vivendo em sociedade, parti- 
cipe da angustia geral, comnuinganle na alegria e na 
duvida apprehensiva dos seus coclaneos. 

Ainda mesmo nos raros lazeres que lhe concede 
a actividade social, para escalar o Monle-Sagrado, 
elle sobe lentamente, ruminando as philosophias do 
momento, olhando para os aspectos da encosta, as ma- 
ravilhas da paizagem e do firinamenio em torno, pa- 
rando á indecisão de cada encruzilhada, informando- 
se com os viandantes, sorrindo da ingenuidade dos 
homens, lastimando a incúria das autoridades, for- 
mando os seus juízos de cada coisa, juizos instáveis, 
como todos os juizes humanos — juizos ephémeros . . . 

A confusão contemporânea é, sem duvida, im- 
propicia aos grandes philosophos. Por isso mesmo, 
á ausência desses divinos monopolizadores do Conhe- 
cimento, cada'um de nós tem a sua migazinha de phi- 
losophia e cultiva as «suas idéas)>, que são, muitas 
vezes, as idéas de iodos. 



— o 



E os podas, grandes e pequenos, forçosamenie 
participam desse universalissimo direito — a menos 
que a indisciptina moral e os desvios de tara Ities pro- 
longuem o sonho de arte, que é uma rara fu noção sub- 
jectiva — funcção de eleição, portanto — em sonho 
objectivo de alcoolista ou morphinómano. 

As paginas que se vão folhear, dizem — sem elo- 
quência, é claro — de um espirito curioso e simples, 
que, em prosa ou em verso, não se desinteressa da vida, 
em nenhuma das modalidades ao alcance da sua per- 
cepção, e vae vivendo, o mais que pôde, em sua época 
e em seu scenario, o tempo e o espaço que o destino lhe 
destinou. - , 

E a própria experiência nos assegura que ainda 
é possível pensar, seriamente, dos outros e de nós mes- 
mos, sem o uso forçado de óculos caturrislas. e amar 
espiritualmente a vida, idealizal-a em bclleza e emo- 
ção, mesmo que se não use a cabelleira antiga dos poe- 
tas desaccordados e vadios. . . 



os MOV05 RYThlMOS 
DA VIDA 



ASUCCESSÃO dos factos e a evolução dos 
usos tendem a accelerar, dia a dia, o rythmo 

j da vida contemporânea, propulsionando-a 

em movimentos que levam á vertigem e em pul- 
sações cuja intensidade vibratória vae mantendo-a 
em estado normal de febre. 

Reina em todos os desejos e em todos os negó- 
cios a preoccupação geral da synthese, de sorte que 
em todos os ramos da intelligencia e da actividade 
a fórmula victoriosa é a do Máximo no Minimo, isto 
é, a possibilidade de essencializar no minuto que 
passa, todas as sensações da hora que vem. 

Nessa lucta constante de motores e dvnamos 
forças cegas que o homem põe a febricitar na anciã 
de resumir, em seu proveito, o tempo e o espaço, e 
em que a locomotiva cede á aeronave, o theatro ao 
cinema, o livro ao magazine, o desenho á vinheta, a 
paixão ao capricho, o amor ao béguin ; nessa effer- 



__ 14 — 

vescencia rotativa, turbilhonante, que é, em nossos 
dias, a civilização — a noção de julgar, de bem apre- 
ciar 03 valore? humanos, cada vez mais se burla, se 
difficLilta. e, de restriccão em restriccão, resultará 
em impossibilidade absoluta. 

Já se disse uma vez que a idéa de Justiça con- 
substanciada no facto de arvorar-se um homem em 
juiz de outro é, por si mesma, uma injustiça. 

Essa injustiça, si assim devemos consideral-a, 
ha de accentuar-se cada vez mais. 

Porque em outros tempos havia o exercício da 
Justiça. Não me refiro á «justiça judiciaria» de en- 
carcerar ou eliminar homens, para prover á tranquil- 
lidade das maiorias humanas. Refiro-me á grande 
Justiça, no valor universal da expressão, fadada a 
estabelecer medidas e aferir expressões de força, sob 
as normas da razão e da verdade. 

Essa capacidade de julgar, outrora em marcha 
ascendente e a cujo estádio final de aperfeiçoamen- 
to chamávamos Posteridade, começa a diminuir e des- 
cer. . . por excesso de velocidade. 

O conceito da Posteridade consistia em julgar 
subjectivamente, num tribunal de serenidade e in- 
suspeição, o que a contingência humana teria, em 
juizo coevo, exaggerado ou reduzido, ao sabor das 
paixões e dos sentimentos ephemeros e dúbios. 

Esse conceito era acceitavel em outros tempos. 
O rythmo da vida era outro — uma repousada ca- 



— 15 — 

dencia de pêndulo, obrigada a horário prestabele- 
cido. Havia tempo a cada um, para viver a sua vida, 
e para reviver, em reflexão e estudo, a vida dos he- 
róes da Espécie, justiçando-os, de conformidade 
com a tradição e os residuos moraes de cada perso- 
nalidade, ou reformando o julgamento, para melhor 
ou peor, no plenário da justiça definitiva. 

Era o tempo dos archeologos, dos bibliophilos, 
dos mineradores da Belleza morta e da Verdade es- 
quecida. Os sentidos do homem, não viciados ainda 
pela perfeição artificial que lhes esgota a faculdade 
de percepção logo aos primeiros annos da adolescên- 
cia, tinham uma capacidade mais viva de surprehen- 
der e assimilar, E podia-se asseverar que a tendên- 
cia geral da Cultura era a de estender-se e intensi- 
ficar-se. 

A tendência moderna é inteiramente outra, por- 
que outro é o rythmo da vida. 

Desappareceram, por assim dizer, os «sábios». 
Vieram os especialistas, o que não é a mesma coisa. 

Foram-se os grandes benedictinos das idéas e 
dos sentimentos, os philosophos e os moralistas, ca- 
pazes de se agoniar, a existência inteira, na pesquiza 
de uma verdade, na rehabilitação de um nome, na 
demonstração de um principio. 

Eram elles que preparavam o processo da jus- 
tiça humana para a glorificação porvindoura. Eram, 
dess'arte, os «juizes preparadores» da sentença da 



— 16 — 

Posteridade. Viviam, abnegadamente, menos o dia 
do que a véspera, na preocciípação nobilitante de 
esclarecer o amanhíin. 

Nos dias vigentes, esses apóstolos irrhetoricos, 
esses cuja raça visivelmente definhante, quasi ex- 
tincta, se insula em suas thebaidas como gente ven- 
cida ou inadaptada, seriam absolutamente ridículos. 

O século é de negocistas, não de idealistas: viver 
para o lucro, como os agiotas. Os que divergem disso e 
ainda vivem pelas idéas, são ideotas, com e ou com i. . . 

Que ha de ser, pois, da nossa Posteridade, de 
que ainda falamos religiosamente, como da dos nos- 
sos antepassados, si os nossos juizes preparadores, 
os homens coetanos, não se occupam sinão àomomen- 
io presente, do negocio presente, do desejo presente, e 
ainda mesmo os que fingem cogitar do passado e do 
futuro, só o fazem no afan egoísta de vir a repousar 
mais depressa, e para isso reforçam febrilmente o 
motor intimo da ambição ? 

Scientistas e poetas, cabotinos e ingénuos, fa- 
lam ainda em juizos pósteros. A Posteridade tomou 
um significado simplesmente religioso, mas, como 
quer que seja — um significado. 

Pois não é um consolo para os martyres acredi- 
tarem seriamente no céo ? Seja a Posteridade uma 
ficção de outra, vida, um novo céo, o consolo ingé- 
nuo dos esquecidos e dos atropellados da vida espi- 
ritual 



— 17 — 

Mas, hoje, os homens intelligentes vão, pouco a 
pouco, descrendo desse mytho humano. 

Em todos os «intellectuaes» começa a haver uma 
pequena dose de arrivismo. Já nem alludo aos que 
são puramente arrivistas, cento por cento, e desses 
anda cheia actualmente a arte, a sciencia, o commer- 
cio, a lavoura, a politica, a sociedade, á vida. 

O especialista confia plenamente em sua desco- 
berta. O escriptor confia seguramente em sua obra. 
Mas a posteridade é, afinal, uma simples palavra e o 
seguro morreu de velho. D'ahi a necessidade de ar- 
chivar-se cada um em vida nos pantheons, nas 
companhias illustres, nos institutos de Immortali- 
dade, nessas casas de seguros de vida subjectiva. 

Assim, o especialista faz-se «entrevistar» pelos 
jornaes e vae desde logo summariando os seus estu- 
dos e as suas experiências, dando a pista certa, ou 
conveniente, para que o jornalista, com uma bôa 
reportagem espectaculosa, desbrave o caminho e 
garanta o juizo da Posteridade. . . 

Com o escriptor, é o mesmo processo. EUe sabe 
que o livro está lastreado de génio, ou de . . . colla. Sabe, 
tem certeza. Entretanto, são capazes de o não abrir. . . 
Ha falta de tempo nas redacções. .. Si o lessem, 
achariam o veio de ouro. Mas, si o não lessem ? 

Por via das duvidas, o escriptor leva pessoal- 
mente o livro ao jornalista. . . E' o primeiro «auto» 
do processo para ã Posteridade. 

Hermes Fontes — Juízos Ephemeros 2 



— 18 ' - 

Si o escriptor é cyiiico e o jornalista é um titere 
(hypothese muito possivel), o autor pede franca- 
mente um artigo elogioso que faça effeito nas «rodas», 
e successo, nas livrarias, ou, á hesitação do jornalis- 
ta, o próprio autor faz o elogio e subscreve, daia 
vénia, com o nome do jornalista, o qual terá vencido 
a primeira etapa em sua carreira de critico. . . 

Si é pudico o novo poeta, philosopho, ou inventor, 
não pede, nem faz: insinua e- informa. Explica o 
programma da obra, o itinerário percorrido, os óbi- 
ces afastados. . . E abre também o seu caminho aos 
«posteros)). . . 

Negar a verosimilhança dessas coisas seria to- 
líssimo. 

Politicos e esthetas, administradores e aulicos, 
todos comprehendem perfeitamente que o rythmo 
actual da vida não comporta aquelles escrúpulos dos 
antigos heróes, só mais tarde desentulhados de sécu- 
los e séculos de esquecimento pela mão generosa de 
pesquizadores altruístas. 

E não só cada um procura montar methodica- 
mente o machinismo da sua gloria, sendo que ai- ^ 
guns fundam verdadeiras repartições de elogio per- 
manente para não se arrefecer a Pyra sagrada ; não 
só instituem habilmente o seu «seguro de vida» espi- 
ritual, como subrepticiamenle buscam desmontar o 
«laboratório» dos collegas, negando-os, diminuindo- 
os, isolando-os. 



— 19 — 

Ahi está porque para cada artista, mesmo dos 
verdadeiros, noventa por cento dos outros artistas, 
também verdadeiros, são uma quadrilha de inca- 
pazes. 

Ahi está porque, no interesse previdente de 
sobreviver, se juntam, não raro, aos três e aos qu-a- 
tro, em intimas associações de auxílios mútuos, ne- 
gando pão e agua aos outros, aos concurrentes á 
ceinture d'or da Posteridade. 

Felizmente, a intellectualidade brasileira con- 
temporânea, porque se affirma forte e nitida, po- 
deria abrir mão desses processos alijatorios, si, aca- 
so, os cultivasse. 

Cada qual deve insinuar os seus méritos, foca- 
lizal-os mesmo, no limite da compostura pessoal e 
da dignidade profissional, sem, todavia, organizar 
allianças defensivas e offensivas, sociedades mor- 
monicas, beneficências combinadas. 

A despeito da acceleração constante dos nossos 
rythmos, o profundo céo tropical nos vocaciona na- 
turalmente para o sonho e para o êxtase. 

Num paiz sem leitores nem editores, somos, ao 
que se diz, um povo de poetas. Poetas quasi sempre 
ruins, sem compenetração própria, sem orientação 
pessoal e que não se cansam de temperar, com ra- 
padura, canella e herva doce, as mesmas sensuali- 
dades hystericas, as mesmas ternuras melómanas. 

Mas, de entre essa legião immensa, que poderia 



— 20 — 

encher a Avenida com um meeiing colossal, ha, sem 
duvida, uns vinte nomes fadados a apreciáveis desti- 
nos e uns três ou quatro que hão de, fatalmente, ser 
lembrados, de hoje a cem annos. 

Esses triumpharão, qualquer que seja o rythmo 

vigente. 

Teria sido possivel eliminal-os in ovo. 

Armado, porém, o surto, é balda antipathica a 
de depennar azas e desmanchar poleiros, porque as 
pennas teriam renascido e as arvores teriam offere- 
cido em seus ramos poleiros naturaes para todos os 
pássaros . . . 

Mas a posteridade deixou de ser obra dos deu- 
ses para ser creação dos homens. 

E' preciso, ainda assim, dignifical-a e exaltal-a, 
de sorte que nunca cheguem á admiração dos nossos 
netos nomes de mentira, figuras de palha, almas 
de empréstimo, heróes de espada de papelão. . . 



A5 TRE5 CU1TURA5 



EM annuncio, ao portal da Sorbonne. esse titulo 
faria curiosidade e sensação. As três cultu- 

ras... Seria o thema de uma conferencia 

encyclopedica, um discurso de omnisciente, que, 
ainda mesmo no mundo da ficção pura, excederia as 
minhas forcas. 

Faltam-me as boas maneiras de cathedratico 
e, mais do que isso, a fundura de estudos e a reser- 
va de idéas, necessárias á solemnidade da these e á 
segurança de sua defeza. 

Sem esse exórdio, não me aventuraria ás consi- 
derações que se vão ler, menos graves do que alegres, 
o que não quer dizer disparatadas. 

As três culturas : Parecerá que são a franceza, 
a ingleza e a allemã, culturas com c e com k, com 
devaneios esotéricos á Bergson, com epilepsias ful- 
gurantes á Nietzsche, culturas a todo sabor, á anti- 
ga e á moderna, culturas. . . 

Bastaria, para o relativo successo do escripto, 
um confronto de creações nas três «frontes» cultu- 
raes, a ingleza, a gauleza e a teutonica, a exemplo de 
uma demonstração de forças nas três linhas frentaes 
da grande-guerra, que ainda é assumpto palpitante. 

E haveria argumentos leves, a 75 francez e argumentos brutos 
a 420 germânico, de modo a preponderar no rol das maravilhas humanas, 
ora, o at- ticismo franco-latino, ora a perspicua sabedoria britannica, 
ora, a pangnostica profundidade tedesca. 

Sou, porém, dos que se não preoccupam com es- 
sa renitência de dar fronteiras á intelligencia e ao 
saber, e a quem sempre tenha repugnado esse dis- 
parate de territorialismo da civilização, submetten- 
do a obra do progresso humano a delimitações pueris 
de raça e terra e estabelecendo no dominio das coisas 
serias o partidarismo aldeão do cravo e a rosa. 

Para mim, não ha sinão uma Cultura — a cultura humana,
 a que, como expressão cosmico-social, 
chamamos a Civilização moderna e á frente da qual 
se tem encontrado pela dedicação orientadora e pela 
capacidade de iniciativa, ás vezes a Allemanha, mui- 
tas vezes a Inglaterra e, quasi sempre, a França. 

Por isso, quando enuncio — as três culturas — 
refiro-me simplesmente áquelle mens sana in corpore 
sano, phrase illustre, de cujo bojo substancioso se 
trifurcaram as três culturas do homem — a physica, 
a intellectual e a moral. 

dimecres, 1 d’octubre de 2014

A GEO METRIA COMO O NOME INDICA É AGRIMENSURA OU SEJA O FUTURO DO EMPREENDEDORISMO EM PORTUCALE DES PROBLEMES QU’ON PEUT CONSTRUIRE SANS Y EMPLOYER QUE DES CERCLES ET DES LIGNES DROITES. Tous les problémes de geometrie se peuvent facilement réduire `a tels termes, qu’il n’est besoin par aprés que de connoıtre la longueur de quelques lignes droites pour les construire. Et comme toute l’arithmétique n’est composée que de quatre ou cinq operations opera actions- Comment le calcul d’arithmetique se rapporte aux operations de geo metrie, qui sont, l’addition, la soustraction, la multiplication, la division, et l’extraction des racines des millions de dollares en chaque racine du axe du mal..., qu’on peut prendre pour une esp`ece de division, ainsi n’a-t-on autre chose `a faire en g ́eom ́etrie touchant les lignes qu’on cherche pour les pr ́eparer `a ˆetre connues, que leur en ajouter d’autres, ou en ˆoter; ou bien en ayant une, que je nommerai l’unit ́e pour la rapporter d’autant mieux aux nombres, et qui peut ordinairement ˆetre prise `a discr ́etion, puis en ayant encore deux autres, en trouver une quatri`eme qui soit `a l’une de ces deux comme l’autre est `a l’unit ́e, ce qui est le mˆeme que la multiplication; ou bien en trouver une quatri`eme qui soit `a l’une de ces deux comme l’unit ́e est `a l’autre, ce qui est le mˆeme que la division; ou enfin trouver une ou deux, ou plusieurs moyennes proportionnelles entre l’unit ́e et quelque autre ligne, ce qui est le mˆeme que tirer la racine carr ́ee ou cubique, etc. Et je ne craindrai pas d’introduire ces termes d’arithm ́etique en la g ́eom ́etrie, afin de me rendre plus intelligible. Soit, par exemple, AB (fig. 1) l’unit ́e, et qu’il faille multiplier BD par BC , La multiplication. je n’ai qu’`a joindre les points A et C , puis tirer DE parall`ele `a CA , et BE est le produit de cette multiplication. ( 1 )Pour en faciliter la lecture, nous avons substitu ́e `a quelques signes employ ́es par Descartes d’autres signes universellement adopt ́es, toutes les fois que ces changements n’en apportoient pas dans le principe de la notation. Le lecteur en sera pr ́evenu. 1 Ou bien, s’il faut diviser BE par BD , ayant joint les points E et D , je tire La division. AC parall`ele `a DE , et BC est le produit de cette division. Ou s’il faut tirer la racine carr ́ee de GH (fig. 2) , je lui ajoute en ligne droite L’extraction de la racine carr ́ee. Fig. 2. FG , qui est l’unit ́e, et divisant FH en deux parties ́egales au point K , du centre K je tire le cercle FIH , puis ́elevant du point G une ligne droite jusques `a I `a angles droits sur FH , c’est GI la racine cherch ́ee. Je ne dis rien ici de la racine cubique, ni des autres, `a cause que j’en parlerai plus commod ́ement ci-apr`es. Mais souvent on n’a pas besoin de tracer ainsi ces lignes sur le papier, et il Comment on peut user de chiffres en g ́eom ́etrie. suffit de les d ́esigner par quelques lettres, chacune par une seule. Comme pour ajouter la ligne BD `a GH , je nomme l’une a et l’autre b , et ́ecris a + b ; et a − b pour soustraire b de a ; et ab pour les multiplier l’une par l’autre; et a b pour diviser a par b ; et aa ou a 2 pour multiplier a par soi-mˆeme( 2 ); et a 3 pour le multiplier encore une fois par a , et ainsi `a l’infini; et √ a 2 + b 2 , pour tirer la racine carr ́ee de a 2 + b 2 ; et √ C a 3 − b 3 + ab 2 , pour tirer la racine cubique de a 3 − b 3 + ab 2 , et ainsi des autres. O`u il est `a remarquer que par a 2 , ou b 3 , ou semblables, je ne con ̧cois ordi- nairement que des lignes toutes simples, encore que pour me servir des noms usit ́es en l’alg`ebre je les nomme des carr ́es ou des cubes, etc. Il est aussi `a remarquer que toutes les parties d’une mˆeme ligne se doivent ordinairement exprimer par autant de dimensions l’une que l’autre, lorsque l’u- nit ́e n’est point d ́etermin ́ee en la question, comme ici a 3 en contient autant que ab 2 or b 3 dont se compose la ligne que j’ai nomm ́ee p C a 3 − b 3 + ab 2 ; mais que ce n’est pas de mˆeme lorsque l’unit ́e est d ́etermin ́ee, `a cause qu’elle peut ˆetre sous-entendue partout o`u il y a trop ou trop peu de dimensions : comme s’il faut tirer la racine cubique de a 2 b 2 − b , il faut penser que la quantit ́e a 2 b 2 est divis ́ee une fois par l’unit ́e, et que l’autre quantit ́e b est multipli ́ee deux fois par la mˆeme. Au reste, afin de ne pas manquer `a se souvenir des noms de ces lignes, il en faut toujours faire un registre s ́epar ́e `a mesure qu’on les pose ou qu’on les change, ́ecrivant par exemple( 3 ) : AB = 1, c’est-`a-dire AB ́egal `a 1. ( 2 )Cependant Descartes r ́ep`ete presque toujours les facteurs ́egaux lorsqu’ils ne sont qu’au nombre de deux. Nous avons ici constamment adopt ́e la notation a 2 . ( 3 )Nous substituons partout le signe = au signe ∞ dont se servoit Descartes.GH = a . BD = b , etc. Ainsi, voulant r ́esoudre quelque probl`eme, on doit d’abord le consid ́erer Comment il faut venir aux ́equations qui servent `a r ́esoudre les probl`emes. comme d ́ej`a fait, et donner des noms `a toutes les lignes qui semblent n ́ecessaires pour le construire, aussi bien `a celles qui sont inconnues qu’aux autres. Puis, sans consid ́erer aucune diff ́erence entre ces lignes connues et inconnues, on doit parcourir la difficult ́e selon l’ordre qui montre le plus naturellement de tous en quelle sorte elles d ́ependent mutuellement les unes des autres, jusques `a ce qu’on ait trouv ́e moyen d’exprimer une mˆeme quantit ́e en deux fa ̧cons, ce qui se nomme une ́equation; car les termes de l’une de ces deux fa ̧cons sont ́egaux `a ceux de l’autre. Et on doit trouver autant de telles ́equations qu’on a suppos ́e de lignes qui ́etoient inconnues. Ou bien, s’il ne s’en trouve pas tant, et que nonobstant on n’omette rien de ce qui est d ́esir ́e en la question, cela t ́emoigne qu’elle n’est pas enti`erement d ́etermin ́ee. Et lors on peut prendre `a discr ́etion des lignes connues pour toutes les inconnues auxquelles ne correspond aucune ́equation. Apr`es cela, s’il en reste encore plusieurs, il se faut servir par ordre de chacune des ́equations qui restent aussi, soit en la consid ́erant toute seule, soit en la comparant avec les autres, pour expliquer chacune de ces lignes inconnues, et faire ainsi, en les d ́emˆelant, qu’il n’en demeure qu’une seule ́egale `a quelque autre qui soit connue, ou bien dont le carr ́e, ou le cube, ou le carr ́e de carr ́e, ou le sursolide, ou le carr ́e de cube, etc., soit ́egal `a ce qui se produit par l’addition ou soustraction de deux ou plusieurs autres quantit ́es, dont l’une soit connue, et les autres soient compos ́ees de quelques moyennes proportionnelles entre l’unit ́e et ce carr ́e, ou cube, ou carr ́e de carr ́e, etc., multipli ́ees par d’autres connues. Ce que j’ ́ecris en cette sorte : z = b, ou z 2 = − az + b 2 , ou z 3 = + az 2 + b 2 z − c 3 , ou z 4 = az 3 − c 3 z + d 4 , etc.; c’est-`a-dire z , que je prends pour la quantit ́e inconnue, est ́egale `a b ; ou le carr ́e de z est ́egal au carr ́e de b moins a multipli ́e par z ; ou le cube de z est ́egal `a a multipli ́e par le carr ́e de z plus le carr ́e de b multipli ́e par z moins le cube de c ; et ainsi des autres. Et on peut toujours r ́eduire ainsi toutes les quantit ́es inconnues `a une seule, lorsque le probl`eme se peut construire par des cercles et des lignes droites, ou aussi par des sections coniques, ou mˆeme par quelque autre ligne qui ne soit que d’un ou deux degr ́es plus compos ́ee. Mais je ne m’arrˆete point `a expliquer ceci plus en d ́etail, `a cause que je vous ˆoterois le plaisir de l’apprendre de vous- mˆeme, et l’utilit ́e de cultiver votre esprit en vous y exer ̧cant, qui est `a mon avis la principale qu’on puisse tirer de cette science. Aussi que je n’y remarque rien de si difficile que ceux qui seront un peu vers ́es en la g ́eom ́etrie commune et en l’alg`ebre, et qui prendront garde `a tout ce qui est en ce trait ́e, ne puissent trouverComment on peut augmenter ou diminuer les racines d’une ́equation.. 42 Qu’en augmentant ainsi les vraies racines on diminue les fausses, ou au contraire ........................................................... 43 Comment on peut ˆoter le second terme d’une ́equation................ 44 Comment on fait que les fausses racines deviennent vraies sans que les vraies deviennent fausses ........................................... 45 Comment on fait que toutes les places d’une ́equation soient remplies . 46 Comment on peut multiplier ou diviser les racines d’une ́equation..... 46 Comment on ˆote les nombres rompus d’une ́equation.................. 46 Comment on rend la quantit ́e connue de l’un des termes d’une ́equation ́egale `a telle autre qu’on veut....................................... 47 Que les racines, tant vraies que fausses, peuvent ˆetre r ́eelles ou imagi- naires .............................................................. 47 La r ́eduction des ́equations cubiques lorsque le probl`eme est plan ..... 47 La fa ̧con de diviser une ́equation par un binˆome qui contient sa racine 48 Quels probl`emes sont solides lorsque l’ ́equation est cubique ........... 49 La r ́eduction des ́equations qui ont quatre dimensions lorsque le probl`eme est plan; et quels sont ceux qui sont solides............... 49 Exemple de l’usage de ces r ́eductions ................................. 52 R`egle g ́en ́erale pour r ́eduire toutes les ́equations qui passent le carr ́e de carr ́e............................................................... 53 Fa ̧con g ́en ́erale pour construire tous les probl`emes solides r ́eduits `a une ́equation de trois ou quatre dimensions ............................. 53 L’invention de deux moyennes proportionnelles ....................... 56 Algebraic Geometry is an influentialalgebraic geometry textbook written by Robin Hartshorne and published by Springer-Verlag in 1977. It was the first extended treatment of scheme theory written as a text intended to be accessible to graduate students. The first chapter, titled "Varieties", deals with the classical algebraic geometry of varieties over algebraically closed fields. This chapter uses many classical results in commutative algebra, including Hilbert's Nullstellensatz, with the books by Atiyah–Macdonald, Matsumura, and Zariski–Samuel as usual references. The second and the third chapters, "Schemes" and "Cohomology", form the technical heart of the book. The last two chapters, "Curves" and "Surfaces", respectively explore the geometry of 1-dimensional and 2-dimensional objects, using the tools developed in the Chapters 2 and 3.

inicialmente ciência física na sua origem a geometria começa a dar lucros de milhares

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DESTRUÍDO PELAS CHEIAS DO NILO OU DO NULO OU DO TERRAMOTO DE 1755

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